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North Koreans tell BBC they are being sent to work ‘like slaves’ in Russia

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Thousands of North Koreans are being sent to work in slave-like conditions in Russia to fill a huge labour shortage exacerbated by Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, the BBC has learned.

Moscow has repeatedly turned to Pyongyang to help it fight the war, using its missiles, artillery shells and its soldiers.

Now, with many of Russia’s men either killed or tied up fighting – or having fled the country – South Korean intelligence officials have told the BBC that Moscow is increasingly relying on North Korean labourers.

We interviewed six North Korean workers who have fled Russia since the start of the war, along with government officials, researchers and those helping to rescue the labourers.

They detailed how the men are subjected to “abysmal” working conditions, and how the North Korean authorities are tightening their control over the workers to stop them escaping.

One of the workers, Jin, told the BBC that when he landed in Russia’s Far East, he was chaperoned from the airport to a construction site by a North Korean security agent, who ordered him not to talk to anyone or look at anything.

“The outside world is our enemy,” the agent told him. He was put straight to work building high-rise apartment blocks for more than 18 hours a day, he said.

All six workers we spoke to described the same punishing workdays – waking at 6am and being forced to build high-rise apartments until 2am the next morning, with just two days off a year.

We have changed their names to protect them.

Getty Images Kim Jong Un (left) smiles as he walks alongside Vladimir Putin (right) in front of the national flags of North Korea and Russia
Kim Jong Un has sent Vladimir Putin weapons and soldiers to fight his war in Ukraine

“Waking up was terrifying, realising you had to repeat the same day over again,” said another construction worker, Tae, who managed to escape Russia last year. Tae recalled how his hands would seize up in the morning, unable to open, paralysed from the previous day’s work.

“Some people would leave their post to sleep in the day, or fall asleep standing up, but the supervisors would find them and beat them. It was truly like we were dying,” said another of the workers, Chan.

“The conditions are truly abysmal,” said Kang Dong-wan, a professor at South Korea’s Dong-A University who has travelled to Russia multiple times to interview North Korean labourers.

“The workers are exposed to very dangerous situations. At night the lights are turned out and they work in the dark, with little safety equipment.”

The escapees told us that the workers are confined to their construction sites day and night, where they are watched by agents from North Korea’s state security department. They sleep in dirty, overcrowded shipping containers, infested with bugs, or on the floor of unfinished apartment blocks, with tarps pulled over the door frames to try to keep out the cold.

One labourer, Nam, said he once fell four metres off his building site and “smashed up” his face, leaving him unable to work. Even then his supervisors would not let him leave the site to visit a hospital.

A graphic showing a North Korean man working at a snowy construction site in Russia without any safety equipment

In the past, tens of thousands of North Koreans worked in Russia earning millions of pounds a year for the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un, and his cash-strapped regime. Then in 2019, the UN banned countries from using these workers in an attempt to cut off Kim’s funds and stop him building nuclear weapons, meaning most were sent home.

But last year more than 10,000 labourers were sent to Russia, according to a South Korean intelligence official speaking to the BBC on the condition of anonymity. They told us that even more were expected to arrive this year, with Pyongyang possibly dispatching more than 50,000 workers in total.

The sudden influx means North Korean workers are now “everywhere in Russia,” the official added. While most are working on large-scale construction projects, others have been assigned to clothing factories and IT centres, they said, in violation of the UN sanctions banning the use of North Korean labour.

Russian government figures show that more than 13,000 North Koreans entered the country in 2024, a 12-fold increase from the previous year. Nearly 8,000 of them entered on student visas but, according to the intelligence official and experts, this is a tactic used by Russia to bypass the UN ban.

In June, a senior Russian official, Sergei Shoigu, admitted for the first time that 5,000 North Koreans would be sent to rebuild Kursk, a Russian region seized by Ukrainian forces last year but who have since been pushed back.

The South Korean official told us it was also “highly likely” some North Koreans would soon be deployed to work on reconstruction projects in Russian-occupied Ukrainian territories.

“Russia is suffering a severe labour shortage right now and North Koreans offer the perfect solution. They are cheap, hard-working and don’t get into trouble,” said Andrei Lankov, a professor at Kookmin University in Seoul and a renowned expert in North Korea-Russia relations.

KCNA A composite image of flowers that were sent to Kim Jong Un by various Russian construction companies in April, according to North Korean state media
These flowers were sent to Kim Jong Un by various Russian construction companies in April, according to North Korean state media

These overseas construction jobs are highly coveted in North Korea as they promise to pay better than the work at home. Most workers go hoping to escape poverty and be able to buy a house for their family or start a business when they return. Only the most trusted men are selected after being rigorously vetted, and they must leave their families behind.

But the bulk of their earnings is sent straight to the North Korean state as “loyalty fees”. The remaining fraction – usually between $100-200 (£74-£149) a month – is marked down on a ledger. The workers only receive this money when they return home – a recent tactic, experts say, to stop them running away.

Once the men realise the reality of the harsh work and lack of pay, it can be shattering. Tae said he was “ashamed” when he learnt that other construction workers from central Asia were being paid five times more than him for a third of the work. “I felt like I was in a labour camp; a prison without bars,” he said.

The labourer Jin still bristles when he remembers how the other workers would call them slaves. “You are not men, just machines that can speak,” they jeered. At one point, Jin’s manager told him he might not receive any money when he returned to North Korea because the state needed it instead. It was then he decided to risk his life to escape.

Tae made the decision to defect after watching YouTube videos showing how much workers in South Korea were paid. One night, he packed his belongings into a bin liner, stuffed a blanket under his bed sheets to make it look as if he was still sleeping, and crept out of his construction site. He hailed a taxi and travelled thousands of kilometres across the country to meet a lawyer who helped arrange his journey on to Seoul.

In recent years, a small number of workers have been able to orchestrate their escapes using forbidden second-hand smartphones, bought by saving the small daily allowance they received for cigarettes and alcohol.

A graphic depicts a North Korean man in a red shirt in front of the Seoul skyline, with his head in his hands
A handful of labourers have managed to escape Russia during the war and reach Seoul

In an attempt to prevent these escapes, multiple sources have told us that the North Korean authorities are now cracking down on workers’ already limited freedom.

According to Prof Kang from Dong-A University, one way the regime has tried to control the workers over the last year is by subjecting them to more frequent ideological training and self-criticism sessions, in which they are forced to declare their loyalty to Kim Jong Un and log their failings.

Rare opportunities to leave construction sites have also been cut. “The workers used to go out in groups once a month, but recently these trips have reduced to almost zero,” Prof Kang added.

Kim Seung-chul, a Seoul-based activist who helps rescue North Korean workers from Russia, said these outings were being more tightly controlled. “They used to be allowed to leave in pairs, but since 2023 they have had to travel in groups of five and are monitored more intensely.”

In this climate, fewer workers are managing to escape. The South Korean government told us the number of North Koreans making it out of Russia each year and arriving in Seoul had halved since 2022 – from around 20 a year to just 10.

Mr Lankov, the expert in North Korea-Russia relations, said the crackdowns were likely in preparation for many more workers arriving.

“These workers will be the lasting legacy of Kim and Putin’s wartime friendship,” he said, arguing the workers would continue arriving long after the war had ended, and the deployment of soldiers and weapons had ceased.

Additional reporting by Jake Kwon and Hosu Lee

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The“Shavat–Dashoguz”border trade zone as a new model of regional economic intergration 

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Dr.Beruniy Alimov, Tashkent, Uzbekistan

The opening of the joint Uzbek-Turkmen border trade zone “Shavat–Dashoguz” has become one of the most important economic and social developments in Central Asia’s border regions in recent years. Located between the Khorezm region of Uzbekistan and the Dashoguz velayat of Turkmenistan, the project symbolizes not only the strengthening of bilateral economic relations but also the revival of historical, cultural, and human connections between two neighboring nations. The initiative reflects the growing strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan and demonstrates how border regions can transform into active centers of regional cooperation, entrepreneurship, and people-to-people diplomacy.

The official launch of the trade zone took place in November 2025 with the participation of the President of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, and the President of Turkmenistan, Serdar Berdimuhamedow. The participation of both leaders underlined the political significance of the initiative and confirmed the intention of both countries to deepen economic collaboration and improve living standards in border territories.

From an economic perspective, the “Shavat–Dashoguz” zone serves as a strategic platform for expanding bilateral trade and increasing regional connectivity. According to the available materials, the complex occupies six hectares, equally divided between the Uzbek and Turkmen sectors. The trade infrastructure includes 112 open trade rows, 28 specialized shops, and an additional 16 retail outlets located in separate blocks. Such large scale infrastructure creates favorable conditions for small and medium-sized enterprises, allowing entrepreneurs to directly access neighboring markets and establish new commercial partnerships.

One of the most innovative features of the trade zone is the implementation of the “single window” system for public services. This mechanism significantly simplifies customs procedures and document processing, reducing bureaucratic barriers for entrepreneurs and visitors. Administrative offices, customs services, quarantine, phytosanitary, and veterinary departments are integrated within one complex, making border trade more efficient and transparent. The presence of banking services, exchange offices, hotels, medical centers, and large parking facilities further improves the operational environment for traders and visitors.

An especially important aspect of the project is the simplified movement regime introduced for citizens of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Residents of both countries can enter the trade zone without obtaining visas, which greatly facilitates mobility and encourages interpersonal communication. This approach transforms the trade zone from a purely economic facility into a social and cultural bridge between neighboring peoples. Experts note that modern border regions increasingly perform not only economic functions but also diplomatic and humanitarian roles, helping to strengthen trust and regional stability.

The local population on both sides of the border has reacted positively to the launch of the project. Residents of the Khorezm region view the trade center as an opportunity to expand entrepreneurship, create jobs, and increase exports. Entrepreneurs emphasize that direct communication with Turkmen partners opens new possibilities for business cooperation and market diversification. Similar sentiments are expressed by residents of Dashoguz velayat, who consider the project a convenient platform for trade, professional networking, and economic exchange.

The border trade zone is also important in terms of regional economic modernization. Contemporary international practice demonstrates that cross-border economic zones often become laboratories for innovation in customs administration, logistics, and regional commerce. The “Shavat–Dashoguz” initiative follows this model by introducing digitalized customs infrastructure and interactive service systems aimed at accelerating business operations. These improvements are particularly relevant in the context of global economic competition, where logistical efficiency and administrative transparency directly influence investment attractiveness.

The project additionally contributes to export diversification. One practical example is the growing export of Khorezm rice to Turkmenistan. Local entrepreneurs note that Turkmenistan has become a promising and logistically convenient market compared to more distant destinations such as Russia or Kazakhstan. Reduced transportation costs and simplified border procedures make regional trade more sustainable and profitable for local producers. This case demonstrates how border trade zones can directly support domestic agricultural and industrial sectors.

Another important development is the opening of a trading platform operated by the Uzbek Republican Commodity Exchange within the border zone. This initiative introduces transparent market mechanisms, reliable payment systems, and competitive pricing models into bilateral trade relations. The use of exchange-based trading can reduce informal economic practices while increasing confidence among entrepreneurs and investors. Moreover, such mechanisms align the project with modern international standards of commercial regulation and financial transparency.

Beyond economics, the “Shavat–Dashoguz” project carries significant symbolic and geopolitical meaning. For centuries, Central Asian societies were historically interconnected through trade routes, cultural exchange, and common traditions. The creation of modern border trade platforms can therefore be interpreted as a continuation of historical regional integration processes adapted to contemporary economic realities. As one analytical text emphasizes, the border bazaar strengthens the “centuries-old friendship” between the two peoples and reflects the strategic vision of both national leaders.

In the broader regional context, the project may also influence future models of cooperation within Central Asia. Over the past decade, regional governments have increasingly prioritized connectivity, transport integration, and economic openness. Successful implementation of the “Shavat–Dashoguz” initiative may encourage similar cross-border projects involving logistics hubs, industrial cooperation zones, and joint tourism initiatives. Such developments could contribute to the gradual formation of a more integrated Central Asian economic space.

At the same time, the long-term effectiveness of the trade zone will depend on several factors. Continuous modernization of infrastructure, maintenance of simplified administrative procedures, and support for local entrepreneurs remain essential. In addition, both governments will need to ensure transparency, security, and sustainable management practices within the zone. Economic integration projects succeed not only through political declarations but also through practical efficiency and the trust of local communities.

In conclusion, the “Shavat–Dashoguz” border trade zone represents far more than a commercial marketplace. It is a strategic economic platform, a symbol of growing Uzbek-Turkmen cooperation, and a practical mechanism for strengthening regional integration. By combining modern infrastructure, simplified trade procedures, and people-centered connectivity, the initiative demonstrates how border regions can evolve into engines of economic growth and diplomatic partnership. If successfully developed in the coming years, the project may become one of the most successful examples of cross-border cooperation in Central Asia and contribute significantly to regional stability, prosperity, and mutual trust.

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Gunfire in Washington Shocks the World

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : When gunfire erupted near the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington on April 25, 2026, President Donald J. Trump, Vice President JD Vance, and other senior officials were swiftly evacuated by the Secret Service. A suspect armed with weapons was apprehended, and an officer narrowly escaped serious injury. The incident, unfolding just outside a gathering meant to celebrate democracy and free speech, sent a chilling signal across the nation and the world.
This was not merely a security scare. It reflected a deeper strain—psychological, political, and strategic—emanating from a war that is no longer confined to the Middle East. At a moment when America was projecting power abroad, it suddenly appeared vulnerable at home. The symbolism was stark: a superpower engaged in high-stakes geopolitical confrontation while facing instability within its own borders.
The timing made the situation even more consequential. Only hours earlier, President Trump had abruptly canceled the planned visit of his top negotiators to Islamabad, effectively derailing a second round of peace talks with Iran before they could begin. Iran’s Foreign Minister had already departed Pakistan, and President Masoud Pezeshkian made it clear in discussions with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif that Tehran would not engage in negotiations under pressure, threats, or blockade. The diplomatic process, already fragile, collapsed under the weight of distrust.
At the heart of this breakdown lies the Strait of Hormuz, one of the most critical energy chokepoints in the world. What appears to be a military standoff is, in reality, a much broader strategic maneuver. The United States is not simply attempting to pressure Iran—it is reshaping global energy flows and redefining economic leverage on a global scale.
By restricting access to this vital waterway, whether directly or indirectly, the United States creates a supply shock in global oil markets. That disruption compels energy-importing nations to seek alternatives, and increasingly, those alternatives are found in American oil and gas. This is not an unintended consequence—it is a structural shift. As traditional supply routes become uncertain, demand for U.S. energy rises, strengthening America’s position as a dominant exporter.
This strategy also reduces reliance on prolonged military engagement. Precision-guided weapons are expensive and often used against targets of relatively low economic value. Instead of relying solely on kinetic warfare, the United States appears to be leveraging economic pressure as a more efficient tool. By controlling access to energy supply chains, it can exert influence over entire economies without the need for sustained battlefield operations.
This leads to a critical observation: the United States currently has little incentive to fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz. As long as the disruption persists, American exports expand, global dependence increases, and strategic leverage grows. The blockade becomes not just a temporary measure, but a sustained instrument of economic and geopolitical influence.
However, this approach is triggering a significant global response.
European leaders such as Emmanuel Macron and Keir Starmer are increasingly advocating for alternative systems that reduce reliance on the United States. There is a growing effort to develop independent financial, trade, and investment mechanisms that can operate outside the influence of U.S. sanctions and economic controls.
This shift is not limited to Europe. Countries across Asia, the Global South, and major economies like China, India, and Brazil are gradually aligning toward a more multipolar system. If these economies—many of which already rival or exceed the United States in combined output—coordinate their efforts, they could form one of the most powerful economic blocs in modern history. Such a coalition would significantly reduce America’s ability to unilaterally influence global markets and political outcomes.
While this emerging alignment is still in its early stages, it is gaining momentum. The more the United States uses military and economic tools to enforce its objectives, the more other nations are incentivized to create parallel systems that bypass its influence. The dominance of the dollar, the reach of sanctions, and the structure of global trade are all being quietly reexamined.
Meanwhile, the Middle East remains highly unstable. In Lebanon, the fragile cease-fire between Israel and Hezbollah continues to hold only on the surface. Israeli strikes ordered by Benjamin Netanyahu and retaliatory attacks by Hezbollah keep the region on edge. The risk of escalation remains constant, and any miscalculation could trigger a broader conflict.
Against this backdrop, the Washington shooting incident takes on a deeper significance. While it may ultimately be determined as an isolated act, it reflects the broader atmosphere of tension and uncertainty. Prolonged conflict, aggressive rhetoric, and global instability can influence domestic environments in unpredictable ways. The line between external الحرب and internal security becomes increasingly blurred.
The events of April 25 are therefore not isolated. They represent interconnected developments in a rapidly changing global order: the collapse of diplomacy in Pakistan, the continued blockade in the Strait of Hormuz, the fragile cease-fire in Lebanon, and a security scare at the heart of American political life.
The world is entering a new phase—one where economic power is weaponized, alliances are shifting, and traditional systems are being challenged. The United States may achieve short-term gains through increased exports and expanded influence, but it also risks accelerating the formation of a counterbalancing global structure.
The choice ahead is critical. A strategy based on pressure and control may deliver immediate results, but it may also erode long-term stability. A more sustainable path would require restoring trust, respecting international norms, and engaging in genuine diplomacy.
If current trends continue, the incident in Washington may be remembered not just as a moment of domestic alarm, but as a symbol of a world in transition—where power is contested, systems are redefined, and the future of global order hangs in the balance.

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Tucker Carlson’s Revolt Against America’s Israel Policy

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : If there is one American media figure who has done more than any other to rupture the long-standing conservative consensus on Israel, it is Tucker Carlson. A son of a diplomat and a deeply patriotic American, Carlson has positioned himself as the most relentless critic of Israel’s outsized influence over U.S. foreign policy, congressional decision-making, business networks and geopolitical strategy. In his telling, Washington’s reflexive alignment with Israel has drawn the United States into wars, drained its treasury and compromised its sovereignty.
That argument was on full display in February 2026 at Ben-Gurion Airport, where Carlson conducted a combative, two-and-a-half-hour interview with U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee. Carlson accused American officials of “prioritizing Israel” over their own country, pressing Huckabee over civilian casualties in Gaza, biblical rhetoric invoked by Israeli leaders, extradition disputes and the scale of U.S. military aid.
Carlson’s contention was blunt: if American taxpayers provide billions in assistance — at least $16.3 billion in direct military aid since October 2023, with broader estimates exceeding $21 billion — then American officials have a duty to ask hard questions. He framed the issue as a defense of U.S. sovereignty. Why, he asked, should a prosperous, technologically advanced nation with a strong per-capita income require continuous American subsidy?
During the interview, Carlson raised the issue of Christian casualties in Gaza and the West Bank, as well as the destruction of churches, hospitals, and schools operated by Christian communities. He questioned the ambassador about reports that Christian civilians had been killed and Christian institutions damaged during military operations. The ambassador acknowledged that such incidents had occurred, describing them as unintended consequences of war and stating that Israel had expressed regret over those events.
The debate intensified when the ambassador argued that Christians enjoy greater protection in Israel than in many Muslim-majority countries. Carlson challenged that assertion, claiming that there are more Christians in Qatar alone than in Israel. He further argued that Qatar has provided land for churches, schools, and hospitals and that Christians there live openly and peacefully. In contrast, Carlson alleged that Christians in Israel face intimidation and harassment and that their numbers have declined in recent years due to emigration.
While referring to the Epstein files that have been made public in the United States, Carlson raised the issue of connections between Jeffrey Epstein, the established paedophile and blackmailer and Israeli intelligence agency Mossad, and the present President and former prime ministers of Israel. He said that Israel used Epstein’s facility to compromise influential political figures, royalty, senators, and members of Congress through illicit activities involving minors and used their engagement as a blackmailing tool to garner support for Israel in the important decision making in Washington and other influential political capitals. He confronted the Ambassador to hold the Israelis accomplices of Epstein accountable. The Ambassador admitted the connection between Epstein and Mossad but evaded the question by stating the responsibility for prosecuting crimes committed on U.S. soil lies with American authorities, since Epstein operated primarily within the United States.
During the interview, Carlson directly confronted a theological claim of Israel for the land promised to them by God “from the Nile to the Euphrates.” He pointed out that, if interpreted literally in contemporary geopolitical terms, such a claim would encompass parts of present-day Jordan, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and beyond.
Carlson pressed the ambassador on whether this scriptural narrative could justify territorial expansion under the banner of a so-called “Greater Israel.” In response, the ambassador said that if Israel conquered those territories then why not. The tone and tenor of the Ambassador clearly suggested that he was aligned with the Israel dream of greater Israel and was playing his part to pursue the elusive Israeli dream.
During the exchange, Carlson raised the issue of civilian casualties, specifically asking about how thousands of children had been killed during Israeli military operations. The ambassador acknowledged that large numbers of civilians, including thousands of children, have died in the conflict, but maintained that the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) attempt to minimize civilian harm even much better than the US army does.
Carlson then pressed further, asking whether the ambassador was implying that the U.S. military operates with lower moral standards than the IDF. In response, the ambassador cited historical examples of American warfare, including the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the flattening of the entire Germany during World War-IIduring and civilian casualties in Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan. The Ambassador seemed so bought up by Israel that in defence of the IDF that he blamed the US army as worse than the IDF, clearly reflecting where his loyalties are and how, instead of defending the interests of the US in Israel, he was defending Israel which was against the term of employment of an Ambassador.
Under the Vienna Convention an ambassador’s foremost duty is to represent and protect the interests of the sending state—not to advocate for the host country. In a high-profile interview, the ideal ambassadorial posture would have re-centered the discussion on U.S. interests rather than theological or expansionist narratives.
Now the question has been raised as to why Israel has strengthened its regional deterrence capabilities while the United States has borne significant costs—deploying troops, maintaining military bases across the region, committing naval assets to protect sea lanes and allied interests, and providing substantial financial and military assistance. They argue that this burden has placed American personnel and infrastructure at heightened risk while increasing fiscal and geopolitical strain.
As a result of Carlson’s crusade against Israel’s tyranny in Gaza, West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, Qatar and Iran and its support based in Congress, Senate and White House, according to Pew Research Center, the public’s views of Israel have turned more negative over the past three years. More than half of U.S. adults (53%) now express an unfavorable opinion of Israel, up from 42% in March 2022 – before the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023, and the ensuing Israeli invasion of the Gaza Strip.
What began as a series of interviews has now evolved into a defining ideological confrontation within American conservatism. Carlson is not merely questioning battlefield tactics or diplomatic language; he is challenging the moral, financial, and strategic foundations of America’s unconditional alignment with Israel. By forcing senators and ambassadors to defend casualty figures, regime-change rhetoric, and billions in aid, he has exposed a widening rift between interventionist orthodoxy and nationalist restraint. Whether one views his campaign as courageous accountability or destabilizing provocation, it has undeniably shattered the illusion of consensus. The Republican Party may still stand institutionally with Israel, but the grassroots conversation has changed — and once a foreign policy doctrine is dragged into open public trial, it rarely returns to unquestioned authority.

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