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Trump to Visit Islamabad to Seal Iran Peace Deal

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The Iran–United States standoff has reached a decisive moment. After weeks of tension, destruction, and global anxiety, President Donald Trump has signaled that a peace agreement with Iran is not only possible but near. Reuters reported on April 16 that Trump said he might go to Islamabad if the deal is signed there, while Pakistan confirmed that diplomacy is still active even though no date has yet been fixed for another round of talks. That makes Islamabad not just a venue, but the emerging diplomatic center of one of the world’s most dangerous crises.
At the heart of this breakthrough are two long-standing sticking points. First, Iran’s willingness to formally commit that it will not pursue nuclear weapons. Second, Trump’s claim that Iran is prepared to hand over what he called the buried enriched material or “nuclear dust” after earlier strikes on key nuclear sites. Whether every detail is ultimately verified through a final written accord remains to be seen, but politically these two points give both sides a framework to claim success: Washington can say it stopped nuclear escalation, and Tehran can say it preserved the state while opening the door to sanctions relief and normal engagement.
This shift comes at a staggering cost. The conflict has already killed thousands across the region, disrupted trade, and shaken financial markets. The Strait of Hormuz remains the central economic flashpoint. Official and major news reporting continues to note that roughly one-fifth of global oil trade moves through that corridor, so any disruption there instantly becomes a worldwide inflation tax. Reuters has also reported fuel stress inside the United States, while AP has warned that Europe faces severe jet-fuel pressure if normal flows do not resume. In other words, this war has not remained a battlefield event; it has become a global cost-of-living event.
Against this backdrop, Trump’s possible visit to Islamabad to sign a peace agreement with Iranian leaders is not symbolic theater. It is a strategic turning point. A signing in Pakistan would show that the crisis has moved from bombs to bargaining, from blockades to diplomacy, and from military coercion to structured de-escalation. For Iran, such a meeting would signal the possible beginning of normalized state-to-state relations with the United States after more than four decades of sanctions, hostility, and mutual distrust. For Washington, it would create a face-saving exit from a risky conflict while preserving its declared objective of preventing an Iranian nuclear weapons path.
For Iran, the economic upside is enormous. Even partial sanctions relief could unlock tens of billions of dollars a year by restoring oil export capacity, reopening access to financing channels, and reviving deferred investment. A reasonable peace-dividend range for Iran is $50–100 billion annually, including renewed oil sales and broader economic normalization. For the United States, the gain lies less in direct trade and more in avoided damage: lower energy prices, less inflation pressure, reduced military expenditure, and calmer markets. If a durable accord brings oil down meaningfully from crisis highs, the U.S. and its consumers could benefit from a broader global energy relief effect worth well over $100 billion, while averted war escalation could spare Washington and its allies additional costs running into the hundreds of billions. These are not marginal improvements; they are strategic savings.
Domestic politics in Washington have helped push events in this direction, but that factor should be understood as a nudge, not the whole story. The War Powers Resolution in the House failed by just 213–214, with one Republican voting present, a narrower margin than the earlier 212–219 vote, showing that resistance to a prolonged Iran war is growing. That tightening gap matters because it warns the White House that escalation is becoming politically more expensive. But the larger story is not congressional arithmetic; it is that the administration now sees more value in a deal than in a drawn-out confrontation.
Europe also stands to gain substantially. AP’s reporting on jet-fuel risk underscores how quickly Gulf supply disruption can hit European transport, tourism, freight, and manufacturing. If Hormuz normalizes and oil and refined-product flows resume, Europe could avoid tens of billions in emergency energy costs and secondary losses. A prudent estimate is that Europe’s peace dividend could reach $100–200 billion annually through lower fuel costs, restored industrial confidence, and reduced inflationary strain. The Middle East itself could gain even more. Stabilized energy markets, improved investor sentiment, reduced shipping risk, and resumed regional projects could yield $200–400 billion a year in combined benefits across Gulf producers, transport corridors, and reconstruction-linked sectors.
China and Russia both have major stakes in de-escalation, though in different ways. China, as a giant energy importer and a leading Belt and Road power, gains from open sea lanes, cheaper hydrocarbons, and secure corridor expansion westward. Russia, though an energy exporter, still benefits from lower geopolitical volatility in trade and finance and from more stable Eurasian connectivity. It is reasonable to estimate that China’s direct and indirect peace dividend could run to $80–120 billion annually, while Russia’s could be in the $20–40 billion range through steadier energy planning, logistics, and regional commerce. Those figures are necessarily scenario-based, but the direction is beyond dispute: peace pays, and war taxes everyone.
However, the country that may gain the most strategically from this accord is Pakistan. Pakistan’s role as mediator has already elevated its standing. It hosted the talks, kept channels open after the 21-hour breakdown in Islamabad, and retained the confidence of both Washington and Tehran at a time when very few capitals could do so. That diplomatic success now has a direct economic translation. Pakistan’s existing two-way goods trade with the United States was about $7.23 billion in 2024, with the U.S. remaining Pakistan’s largest goods export market at $5.12 billion. Iran and Pakistan, meanwhile, have publicly targeted $10 billion in annual bilateral trade. If peace removes sanctions-related friction and unlocks energy and transit cooperation, Pakistan could realistically position itself for an incremental economic gain of $15–25 billion annually within a few years: roughly $7–8 billion from scaling Pakistan-Iran trade toward the $10 billion target, $3–5 billion in annual energy savings from a revived Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, $1–2 billion from stronger U.S.-Pakistan trade and investment momentum, and several more billions from transit, logistics, warehousing, border markets, services, and Gulf-linked agriculture and infrastructure inflows. Over a decade, if corridor integration through CPEC extends into Iran and toward Central Asia and the Middle East, Pakistan’s cumulative strategic economic upside could run into the tens of billions more, potentially crossing $50 billion in combined direct and indirect value. This is why the Islamabad peace track is not merely diplomatic theater for Pakistan; it is a possible economic turning point.
That is also why the peace dividend for Pakistan is larger than simple trade arithmetic. Peace would strengthen Pakistan’s reputation with Washington, Tehran, Beijing, Riyadh, Ankara, and the Gulf monarchies all at once. It would improve investor confidence at a moment when Pakistan still needs reserve support and external financing, as shown by the recent additional $3 billion Saudi support package reported by Reuters. A successful mediation would allow Pakistan to market itself not as a security risk at the edge of crises, but as the state that prevented a wider war and made regional commerce possible. That kind of reputational shift lowers financing risk, improves deal flow, and can turn diplomacy into development.
At the geopolitical level, the emerging U.S.-Iran rapprochement may also reorder the regional equation. Israel, long a central force in the confrontation with Iran, appears less central to the actual peace architecture now taking shape. The more Washington and Tehran negotiate directly, the more the region shifts from confrontation through intermediaries to pragmatic statecraft. That does not erase old rivalries, but it does signal that the next chapter may be written less by missile launches and more by summit tables.
Yet caution remains necessary. The ceasefire is still fragile. Verification of nuclear commitments, sequencing of sanctions relief, security guarantees, shipping normalization, and the politics of implementation in Tehran and Washington will all matter. A single military incident or political reversal could still spoil the process. But even with that uncertainty, the direction of travel is now clearer than it was days ago: diplomacy has regained momentum because war has exposed its own unbearable cost.
Still, the balance sheet is compelling. The war may already have inflicted global economic damage in the high hundreds of billions of dollars. Peace, by contrast, could unlock a multi-year dividend that plausibly reaches $1–2 trillion across energy, trade, shipping, reconstruction, investment, inflation relief, and avoided military escalation. In that larger picture, Pakistan’s role is neither ceremonial nor incidental. It is central. Islamabad has offered the table, the channel, and the trust that others could not. If the accord is signed there, Pakistan will not merely have hosted history. It will have helped redirect it.

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Photos show charred wreckage from deadly crash of news helicopter in LA

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Investigators have released new photos that show the stark aftermath of a news helicopter crash that killed three people in Los Angeles on Tuesday night.

A scorched aircraft and charred storage container were being examined at the scene of the incident on Wednesday. The collision claimed the lives of NBC photojournalist Eliana Moreno and pilot George Marciniw.

The third victim, a pedestrian, was identified as Edy Gutierrez Mejia, 29, by the coroner’s office.

The National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB), which is leading the investigation into the incident, said a report on the cause could take up to 18 months.

National Transportation Safety Board The National Transportation Safety Board released photos of the aftermath of the Los Angeles helicopter crash that killed three people.

NBC Los Angeles said its NewsChopper4, which also operated for the Spanish-language Telemundo 52, was in the city’s suburb on Tuesday night reporting on a deadly bus crash that had killed two people.

Several other news helicopters were also overhead in the area.

The driver in the bus crash has since been arrested on suspicion of murder.

The cause of the aircraft crash has not yet been determined, officials said. Marciniw was reportedly an experienced pilot.

Mejia, the pedestrian killed when the helicopter came down, was a Guatemalan national who had only arrived in Los Angeles this week, according to NBC News.

Investigators were collecting data at the crash site on Wednesday. The helicopter will be moved to a secure facility, where the NTSB will continue to examine the wreckage.

The NTSB is an independent US government agency that investigates civil transportation accidents.

During a news conference on Wednesday, the NTSB’s investigator-in-charge Fabian Salazar said a preliminary report on the incident would be issued within 30 days.

A final report on the cause of the crash could take up to 18 months to be released, he added.

Asked by reporters about video circulating on social media that appears to show the helicopter’s viewpoint in the seconds before the crash, Salazar said it is so far “probably the most important evidence” for investigators.

In addition to the three people killed, two others were taken to the hospital.

During emotional live coverage on NBC4 on Tuesday night, veteran news anchor Colleen Williams confirmed it was the local news station’s helicopter that crashed.

While news coverage via helicopter is not necessarily unique to Los Angeles, it is more prominent compared to other major metropolitan areas.

LA local news stations regularly break into live programming to broadcast high-speed police pursuits from the air, fly over wildfires and show accidents, protests, and holiday traffic jams in often unscripted, real-time aerials.

Taken From BBC News

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cqgmr40kkxveo

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Trump criticises Supreme Court after justices block mail-in ballot restrictions

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The US Supreme Court has rejected President Donald Trump’s plan to restrict voting by mail before November’s midterm elections, in a setback for the White House.

The justices upheld a federal judge’s order that temporarily blocked the US Postal Service (USPS) from moving forwards with new requirements for postal ballots.

Trump called the decision a blow to his political party. “Republicans just got another bad decision from the United States Supreme Court,” the president wrote on Truth Social.

One legal group said in response that the decision would prevent the USPS from “sowing chaos in our elections”.

The ruling is unlikely to be the final word on the matter. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, a conservative, agreed with the ruling, but indicated he might later rule in Trump’s favour as litigation in the case continues.

Trump, who argued the rules would combat electoral fraud, signed an executive order in March that directed the USPS to deliver ballots only to voters on lists of citizens.

Legal challenges argued that the move violated states’ constitutional rights to run elections.

Election officials from 24 Democratic-led states and the District of Columbia also warned that the proposed changes were not ready for implementation and could prevent ballots from reaching voters.

Meanwhile some Republican-led states, including Florida, Louisiana, and Montana, supported the president in court filings.

Justice Kavanaugh wrote in the opinion that there was “at least a fair prospect that the final rule falls within the Postal Service’s statutory authority”. But he argued that “applying the rule in the 2026 elections would be arbitrary and capricious”.

Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas, also conservatives, dissented. They wrote that the challenge to Trump’s order was a “Hail Mary pass” that was unlikely to be successful ultimately.

In a Truth Social post, Trump criticised the top court’s Monday decision, as well as other key rulings against him such as striking down his executive order to limit birthright citizenship, and also a key element of his tariff policies.

“The Supreme Court has really let our Country down!” he wrote, alleging some justices were “totally unable to show the courage necessary to save our America”.

“These are not the people I interviewed to serve on the United States Supreme Court,” the president wrote.

However, several states like Oregon, Washington, and Colorado rely heavily or entirely on mail ballots for their elections, requiring Republicans to use the system as well.

Seven Republican state election officials warned the justices that allowing significant changes to mail ballot rules so close to the midterm elections would “lead to mistakes, delays, and confusion”.

Local election officials told the BBC this week they were proceeding as normal but had begun drafting contingency plans in case the court upended existing mail ballot procedures.

The rule changes would have resulted in “thousands of people disenfranchised” in Cherokee County, Georgia, its election director Anne Dover told the BBC. The heavily Republican county voted 69% for Trump in the 2024 election, in which about 10,000 of its residents voted by mail, according to Dover.

Monday’s decision earned praise from legal groups who have challenged other aspects of the Trump agenda.

“Today’s Supreme Court decision prevents the US Postal Service from sowing chaos in our elections,” Trevor Potter, president of Campaign Legal Center, said in a statement.

Since returning to the White House, Trump has sought to restrict voting by mail. While he himself has voted by post, he has long claimed this method allows non-citizens to cast ballots and is prone to fraud.

In March’s executive order, the president directed USPS to introduce unique barcodes on postal ballot envelopes.

State and local election officials would also be required to supply information to an online portal about voters who receive mail ballots.

Twenty-three states and Washington DC sued to stop Trump’s order.

The postal workers’ union also said clerks could not be trained in time for the election.

In court filings, the Trump administration maintained the new USPS rules were constitutional.

It said states “cannot choose to use the federal mails to carry out their elections but then insist that their election-related mail is somehow exempt from the Postal Service’s rule-making authority, conferred by Congress”.

Boston-based Judge Indira Talwani imposed an injunction on 4 September blocking Trump’s order. She ruled that implementing the measures close to November’s elections could disenfranchise voters.

Last week, a US appeals court refused to put Judge Talwani’s order on hold.

On Sunday, another federal judge, Judge Carl Nichols, ruled against Trump’s order.

Some states have already begun distributing mail-in ballots ahead of the midterm elections, which will decide which party controls Congress.

Some states that had not yet sent ballots had already printed their election materials, and changing their voting materials would have required starting the process anew.

“Hypothetically, if we did have to implement, it would have a huge impact, and it would be very costly. At this point, we already have our envelopes printed,” Josh Zygielbaum, the Adams County, Colorado clerk and recorder, told the BBC the day before the Supreme Court ruled.

Colorado conducts its elections by mail, and Zygielbaum had been creating contingency plans in the event its voting system had been disrupted.

The Supreme Court decision is not the first setback on postal ballots for Trump.

In June, the justices ruled that states may count ballots postmarked by election day, rejecting the Trump administration’s push to block votes being tallied when they are received after polls close.

Trump has previously made false claims that he lost the 2020 election owing to widespread electoral fraud.

Taken From BBC News

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c5yjpdy4gjlo

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Israel and the U.S.: All Set to Starve Iran?

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Military strikes, economic strangulation and an open-ended American deployment risk turning pressure on Tehran into collective punishment of ordinary Iranians—and dragging the entire Middle East deeper into war.
The United States and Israel appear to be constructing two arms of the same pressure campaign against Iran. Israel threatens overwhelming military destruction if Tehran again attacks it, while Washington is tightening Iran’s economic isolation and maintaining a formidable military presence across the Middle East.
One attacks the state’s physical capacity; the other squeezes its financial oxygen. Between them stand nearly 90 million Iranian citizens who will ultimately bear much of the cost.
Washington describes its strategy differently. The Trump administration argues that sanctions, blockade and selective military pressure are intended to force Tehran to change its behavior and return to negotiations. Yet the scale and duration of the campaign increasingly raise a disturbing question: at what point does pressure on a government become collective punishment of a population?
Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has used unusually uncompromising language about America’s economic objective. Washington has launched an intensified campaign against Iran’s international financial and commercial lifelines, targeting shipping, aviation, technology, gold, digital assets and financial networks. Foreign companies and banks dealing with sanctioned Iranian entities face the enormous leverage of America’s dollar-based financial system.
The strategic objective is clear: deprive Tehran of revenue, foreign currency and international commercial access until economic pressure forces political concessions. But economies are not governments.
When oil revenue collapses, ordinary citizens lose purchasing power. When a currency depreciates, food, medicine and imported necessities become more expensive. When companies cannot trade, workers lose jobs. When banking channels close, families and legitimate businesses suffer alongside the institutions Washington actually intends to punish. Economic warfare may produce fewer dramatic television images than missiles, but its human consequences can penetrate every household.
That is why the language of economic strangulation is so troubling. Iran’s leadership may be the declared target, but Iranian families inevitably become part of the battlefield. A pensioner purchasing medicine, a mother buying groceries or a worker trying to support his family cannot isolate himself from inflation, shortages and economic contraction merely because sanctions were designed to influence his government. Meanwhile, military pressure is not disappearing.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has extended major American deployments in the Middle East into 2027. Approximately 50,000 U.S. military personnel and 19 warships remain positioned across the region, supported by fighter aircraft, air-defense systems and other forces. The deployment unmistakably demonstrates that America is preparing for a prolonged confrontation. That creates an extraordinary contradiction.
President Donald Trump speaks about limiting military involvement and relying increasingly upon economic pressure, while the Pentagon maintains the infrastructure required for blockade enforcement, missile interception, protection of commercial shipping and renewed offensive operations. This is not disengagement. It is military readiness combined with economic warfare.
Israel adds another dimension. Israeli leaders have again threatened devastating attacks against Iranian military and other strategic infrastructure. After months of conflict, the danger is that the distinction between military pressure and destruction of the economic foundations sustaining civilian life becomes progressively blurred.
Recent American strikes demonstrate how quickly civilians can become victims even when governments insist that they are attacking military targets. Iranian authorities reported civilian deaths and injuries following the latest U.S. operations, including casualties associated with a reported strike near a wedding gathering. Washington says it does not intentionally target civilians and is investigating that incident. But for the dead and wounded, intention does not reverse the consequences.
The greater danger is what happens if economic strangulation and repeated military destruction continue simultaneously. Iran possesses one of the Middle East’s largest populations. It also occupies perhaps its most strategically consequential geography. The Strait of Hormuz sits beside its coastline, while American bases, Gulf oil installations, shipping routes and some of the world’s largest energy facilities lie within the broader theater.
Iran cannot match the United States conventionally. It cannot match Israel’s combination of advanced aircraft, intelligence capabilities and sophisticated missile defenses. But it can retaliate asymmetrically. That retaliation would not fall primarily upon the American homeland thousands of miles away. It would fall upon the Middle East.
This is the strategic nightmare now developing. If American and Israeli pressure devastates Iran, Tehran may respond by expanding attacks against military facilities, shipping and infrastructure throughout the Gulf. Iran could be destroyed while simultaneously inflicting enormous damage upon neighboring economies. Everybody loses.
The assumption that sufficient suffering will automatically produce a government favorable to Washington is equally dangerous. Iranian history should discourage such confidence. Foreign intervention helped overthrow democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953. A quarter-century later, the Shah—Washington’s principal regional ally—was swept away by a revolution that produced a government dramatically more hostile to the United States.
Destroying today’s Iranian state would offer no guarantee that tomorrow’s Iran would be moderate. The opposite could occur.
If central authority fractures, organized government and conventional armed forces could give way to militias, underground networks and radical organizations. A centralized adversary can negotiate, sign agreements and enforce them. A fragmented landscape of armed groups may produce decades of asymmetric warfare. Iraq, Libya, Syria and Afghanistan should have taught the world that destroying institutions is much easier than constructing stable replacements. There is also a moral question America cannot escape.
For generations, the United States presented human rights, civilian protection and international law as essential elements of its global leadership. American influence came not only from aircraft carriers and dollars but from universities, technology, culture, diplomacy, alliances and the belief—sometimes justified, sometimes contested—that American power represented certain universal principles.
That soft power is an enormous strategic asset. Every civilian casualty, every image of devastated infrastructure and every Iranian family pushed toward desperation risks consuming another portion of it. The Muslim world therefore cannot remain a spectator.
Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Pakistan, Qatar, Oman, the UAE and other influential states should urgently seek an emergency session of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. The purpose should not be rhetorical condemnation. It should be the construction of a serious diplomatic initiative demanding both Israel and USA to stop this unfortunate war of choice otherwise face kinetic, economic, investment, trade and diplomatic offensive from all the Muslim states whether small or big.
The Middle East is approaching an escalation trap in which every strike supposedly justifies another strike, every sanction invites countermeasures and every temporary pause becomes an opportunity to replenish weapons and identify new targets. Sooner or later, somebody must interrupt that cycle.
If diplomacy fails and military destruction combined with economic suffocation, history may judge that Iran was not the only casualty. The victims could include regional stability, the global economy, America’s soft power and the possibility of a generation of peace in the Middle East.
The time to prevent that outcome is now—before pressure intended to change Iran ends up destroying far more than Iran.

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