Pakistan News
The World Turns to Pakistan to Stop the Iran War
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : There are moments in history when nations rise not through conquest, but through restraint; not through power projection, but through wisdom, patience, and credibility. Today, Pakistan finds itself at precisely such a moment—standing at the crossroads of global diplomacy, basking in a rare but well-earned limelight, as the world watches its steady hands guide a dangerously fractured geopolitical order toward a fragile peace.
For a country often viewed through the narrow prism of security challenges and economic struggles, this transformation is nothing short of extraordinary. Pakistan has emerged, almost unexpectedly yet decisively, as the linchpin in one of the most volatile confrontations of our time—the near-cataclysmic standoff between the United States and Iran, a confrontation that carried within it the terrifying potential of engulfing the Middle East, and possibly the world, in unprecedented destruction.
This moment did not arrive by accident. It is the culmination of decades of institutional maturity, diplomatic grooming, and a deeply embedded tradition within Pakistan’s civil and military leadership to navigate crises with calculated prudence. Those who have served within the corridors of Pakistan’s bureaucracy—whether in the Press Information Department, the Presidency, or diplomatic missions abroad—have witnessed firsthand the slow but steady evolution of a state apparatus capable of rising to extraordinary challenges.
At the center of this unfolding narrative stands Asim Munir, a figure whose ascent was once surrounded by uncertainty and debate, but whose leadership today commands recognition on the global stage. Observers who once sensed in him an independent, resolute, and difficult-to-contain personality have seen those very traits transform into strategic assets. His ability to maneuver within Pakistan’s complex political and constitutional framework, while simultaneously engaging global powers with clarity and confidence, has redefined the country’s diplomatic posture.
Equally significant is the alignment between Pakistan’s civilian leadership and its institutional machinery. Under the stewardship of Shehbaz Sharif, the country has projected a unified voice—measured, composed, and unwavering in its commitment to peace. This harmony between civil and military leadership has been instrumental in elevating Pakistan’s credibility at a time when trust deficits dominate international relations.
The crisis itself was of an apocalyptic scale. The threat of annihilation—of an ancient civilization with over five millennia of history—was not rhetorical exaggeration but a looming possibility. The United States, under Donald J. Trump, had signaled an unprecedented willingness to escalate, while Iran stood equally resolute, prepared to defend its sovereignty at any cost. Between these two immovable positions lay the fate of millions, the stability of global energy routes, and the economic future of nations far removed from the battlefield.
It was within this perilous vacuum that Pakistan stepped forward—not as a partisan actor, but as a credible mediator. Through quiet diplomacy, backchannel engagements, and relentless persuasion, Pakistan facilitated a ceasefire that many had deemed impossible. The reopening of dialogue channels, the de-escalation of military posturing, and the initiation of structured negotiations all bear the imprint of Pakistan’s diplomatic intervention.
This intervention has not gone unnoticed. Across capitals—from Washington to Tehran, from Riyadh to European power centers—there is a growing acknowledgment of Pakistan’s role as a stabilizing force. The language of international diplomacy, often cautious and understated, has begun to reflect a newfound respect for Pakistan’s strategic maturity and diplomatic acumen.
Perhaps the most visible manifestation of this recognition is the unprecedented warmth in high-level engagements. The rapport between Pakistan’s leadership and global figures, including President Trump, signals a shift in perception. When a leader of such global influence expresses personal regard for a foreign military commander, it underscores not just individual chemistry but institutional credibility.
Simultaneously, Pakistan’s Foreign Office—long regarded as one of the most seasoned diplomatic corps in the region—has risen to the occasion with remarkable finesse. Its officers, shaped by decades of rigorous training and exposure, have demonstrated an ability to balance competing narratives, reconcile divergent interests, and articulate positions that resonate across ideological divides. This institutional strength, often overlooked, is now proving to be Pakistan’s greatest asset.
The stakes, however, remain extraordinarily high. The ongoing negotiations between the United States and Iran, hosted on Pakistani soil, represent more than just a bilateral engagement. They are a test of whether diplomacy can prevail over confrontation in an era increasingly defined by zero-sum thinking.
Three possible trajectories emerge from these talks. The first, and most desirable, is a negotiated settlement—one that acknowledges mutual concerns, establishes verifiable safeguards, and paves the way for sustained peace. Such an outcome would not only stabilize the region but also reinforce the principle that dialogue, however difficult, remains the most effective tool for conflict resolution.
The second scenario—a breakdown of talks followed by renewed hostilities—would be catastrophic. The resumption of war would not be confined to Iran or Israel; it would engulf the entire Middle East, disrupt global energy supplies, trigger economic shocks, and potentially draw in multiple state and non-state actors. The human and financial costs would be incalculable.
The third, more nuanced possibility lies somewhere in between: a continuation of the ceasefire without immediate resolution. While less dramatic, this scenario would still represent a diplomatic success, buying time for further engagement and reducing the risk of immediate escalation.
In all these scenarios, Pakistan’s role remains pivotal. Its challenge is not merely to host negotiations, but to sustain trust, manage expectations, and prevent provocations that could derail the process. This requires a delicate balance—assertiveness without aggression, neutrality without passivity, and engagement without overreach.
Beyond the immediate crisis, Pakistan’s diplomatic resurgence carries broader implications. It signals the emergence of a multipolar approach to conflict resolution, where middle powers can influence outcomes traditionally dominated by superpowers. It also enhances Pakistan’s soft power—its ability to shape narratives, build alliances, and command respect without coercion.
This newfound stature is already translating into tangible benefits. Economic partnerships, particularly in defense and energy sectors, are expanding. Strategic dialogues with key regional players are deepening. And perhaps most importantly, Pakistan is being viewed not as a problem to be managed, but as a partner to be engaged.
Yet, this moment of glory must be approached with humility and foresight. Diplomatic capital, once earned, must be carefully preserved. The expectations placed upon Pakistan are immense, and the margin for error is minimal. Sustaining this trajectory will require continued coherence in policy, investment in institutional capacity, and an unwavering commitment to principles of peace and mutual respect.
As the world watches the unfolding negotiations, one reality becomes increasingly clear: Pakistan has transcended its traditional role in global politics. It is no longer a peripheral actor reacting to external pressures, but a central player shaping outcomes at the highest level.
If the current efforts succeed—if peace prevails over war—history will record this chapter as a defining moment. It will remember Pakistan as the nation that stood between escalation and equilibrium, between destruction and dialogue. And it will remember the leaders who, against all odds, chose the path of diplomacy over the drums of war.
In this delicate balance of power, where a single misstep could ignite a wider conflagration, Pakistan’s steady hand offers a rare source of hope. And for a world weary of conflict, that hope may well be its most valuable contribution.
Pakistan News
Rare Earths: Pakistan’s Economic Part 2
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : A mine has a finite life; the capabilities built around it can serve generations. Part One examined Pakistan’s mineral opportunity and the international partnerships that could help develop it. The next task is to connect extraction with a national industrial programme: Pakistani engineers operating sophisticated facilities, Pakistani enterprises supplying them, and Pakistani factories exporting increasingly valuable components and finished products.
This connection should become a central condition of mineral cooperation with China, Canada, the United States, Australia, European countries or any international consortium. Each major agreement should contribute to an industrial development plan, with responsibilities assigned to mining companies, manufacturers, infrastructure providers and public institutions. Measurable commitments can align commercial returns with Pakistan’s ambition to build a diversified economy.
The programme begins with infrastructure. Mines and processing plants require dependable electricity, water management, roads, rail connections and efficient ports. Industrial development also needs broadband, laboratories, workshops, warehouses and customs facilities. Planning these investments together would allow surrounding communities and businesses to share the benefits. A railway should connect productive regions; a power network should support factories and homes alongside mineral operations.
Industrial zones linked to mineral corridors could bring processors, component manufacturers and service businesses into connected locations. Their success would depend on reliable utilities, clear land rights, predictable regulation and access to customers. Common testing facilities, wastewater treatment and logistics services could reduce costs for smaller enterprises. Development should be measured through operating businesses, exports and employment.
Processing provides the first industrial bridge. Copper can support conductors, cables, transformers and electrical equipment. Suitable rare-earth feedstock can support separation, purified oxides, metals, alloys and magnet production. Commercial studies should identify which stages Pakistan can establish competitively and what partners, technology and scale they require. Investment agreements can then specify facilities, commissioning milestones and Pakistani participation.
Magnet manufacturing can connect these activities with motors, pumps, industrial automation, wind-energy equipment and automobile components. Engineering capability in these fields can gradually support more advanced production. Firms supplying one component reliably can qualify for larger contracts and more demanding markets. This progression gives mineral development a route into manufacturing through products that businesses can sell.
The wider ambition should include laptops, smartwatches, smartphones and other electronic devices. Partnerships with established manufacturers could develop components, precision parts, assembly and product testing, progressing toward design and engineering. Production for international brands, including devices such as iPhones, would require authorised commercial arrangements and qualification within their supply networks. Pakistan should negotiate pathways through which firms and workers can meet those standards.
Minerals supply one part of these products. Competitive electronics production also requires semiconductors, batteries, displays, software, precision equipment and dependable suppliers. Pakistan’s industrial programme should connect these requirements through joint ventures, licensing and research partnerships. A strategy would identify selected products, secure customers and build the complementary capabilities needed to manufacture them.
Automobiles offer another route through motors, wiring, sensors, power electronics and specialised components. Shipbuilding and frigate programmes could draw upon stronger capabilities in electrical systems, propulsion components and precision fabrication. Aerospace, satellite and space-launch ambitions would benefit from advances in materials, electronics, control systems and engineering. Participation should progress through civilian and other permitted partnerships, with the necessary certifications and technology approvals.
Pakistani people must occupy the centre of this transformation. Universities should expand relevant programmes in geology, mining, metallurgy, chemical engineering, materials science, electronics and industrial automation. Colleges and vocational institutions should prepare electricians, mechanics, welders, machinists and laboratory technicians. New institutions should be established where regional demand requires them, while existing institutions receive equipment, qualified teachers and industry partnerships.
Scholarships should give students from producing districts a direct route into these professions. Paid apprenticeships and supervised practical training should connect education with employment. Joint ventures should establish time-bound plans for Pakistani engineers and managers to assume greater operational responsibility. Success would be demonstrated by competence in running, maintaining, troubleshooting and improving complex facilities.
Research partnerships should leave permanent capacity within Pakistan. Shared laboratories, pilot plants, geological databases and negotiated access to technical knowledge can help institutions solve industrial problems. Agreements should define intellectual-property rights, licensing and opportunities for Pakistani innovation. Research funding should support processing efficiency, recycling, water conservation and new materials, allowing knowledge generated by collaboration to create further enterprises.
Business and financial infrastructure must develop alongside technical capacity. Local suppliers need working capital, equipment finance, insurance and timely payment. Exporters need trade finance, certification and efficient customs. Transparent procurement can help Pakistani companies enter supply networks, while long-term customer agreements improve investment confidence. Public financial support should carry clear limits, disclosed obligations and performance conditions.
Mineral revenues can finance this wider productive base. A transparent framework should provide predictable allocations for producing communities, investment in education and infrastructure, and savings against commodity downturns. Expenditure should follow verified receipts and public audits. Supporting manufacturing and local enterprise would broaden the sources of income available when particular mines approach the end of their lives.
Environmental management protects that future. Water use, tailings, emissions and eventual rehabilitation need funded obligations and independent monitoring. Communities should participate in decisions affecting their land and livelihoods, with lawful compensation and accessible remedies. Recycling metals and magnets can create additional businesses while retaining valuable material within the economy.
The foundation is accountable government. Credible elections, independent courts, empowered provinces and effective local authorities can give citizens a voice in the use of their wealth. Parliament should scrutinise major agreements, while independent regulators oversee environmental and commercial obligations. The armed forces should fulfil their constitutional security responsibilities, with economic policy directed by elected civilian institutions.
Pakistan’s economic promise will be fulfilled through the factories, skills, research and enterprises its mineral partnerships help create. Negotiating this connection is a national responsibility. With capable governance and sustained cooperation, Pakistan can export finished products, develop its own technology and build prosperity that outlives the deposits from which the transformation began.
Pakistan News
Rare Earths: Pakistan’s Economic Part 1
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Rare earths offer Pakistan an opportunity to change its economic destiny. Their greatest promise lies in connecting the country’s geological wealth with the industries shaping modern life: electric vehicles, electronics, clean energy, advanced machinery and aerospace. Growing international interest can bring the capital, technology and markets needed for this transformation. Pakistan’s task is to build partnerships that turn mineral deposits into lasting productive capacity, skilled employment and public prosperity.
America’s chargé d’affaires in Pakistan, Natalie A. Baker, has described cooperation extending from geological assessment and extraction to workforce training, schools and transport infrastructure. Her reference to mineral potential reaching seven trillion dollars sits within published estimates of $6 trillion to $8 trillion. The opportunity she outlined provides a basis for agreements that connect mining investment with local development and a wider industrial economy.
Energy Update, citing the Institute of Cost and Management Accountants of Pakistan, reports mineral-bearing areas extending across approximately 600,000 square kilometres, with 92 known minerals, including 52 commercially exploited. SFA (Oxford) estimates recoverable rare-earth oxide potential at 100,000 to 500,000 tonnes. These estimates offer a starting point for systematic exploration, deposit assessment and investment planning.
My own association with this opportunity reaches back four decades. In 1986, while working as a news producer, I accompanied a visiting Chinese state minister during a tour connected with mineral deposits in Balochistan. The delegation’s interest reflected an early appreciation of the region’s potential. Subsequent Chinese involvement at Saindak established an important chapter in Pakistan’s mineral development, providing experience upon which broader partnerships can build.
Reko Diq demonstrates the scale of Pakistan’s documented copper-gold opportunity. Barrick’s year-end 2025 disclosures identify 7.3 million tonnes of contained copper and 13 million ounces of gold attributable to its 50 percent interest. Project-wide quantities implied by these rounded figures are approximately 14.6 million tonnes of copper and 26 million ounces of gold. Federal Pakistani enterprises and Balochistan each hold 25 percent of the venture.
Using illustrative prices of $10,000 per tonne of copper and $3,000 per ounce of gold, those quantities represent approximately $224 billion in gross contained-metal value. Commercial returns will emerge over decades through production, sales and expenditure. Pakistan’s benefits will include agreed royalties, taxes, dividends, employment and domestic procurement. The volume of activity retained within the country will determine how widely these benefits spread.
Rare earths create a related avenue for industrial development. Geological research identifies promising formations at Sillai Patti, Koga, Loe Shilman, Warsak and Jambil in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Studies document light rare-earth enrichment involving cerium, lanthanum, neodymium, praseodymium and samarium. SFA also identifies prospects around Skardu and Chilas, Chagai and the Makran coast, together with potential secondary recovery from Thar coal fly ash.
Research on Sillai Patti cites earlier sampled-material averages of approximately 314 parts per million of neodymium, 915 of cerium and 519 of lanthanum. A hyperspectral investigation identified portions of samples reaching approximately 1,000 parts per million of neodymium. Representative drilling, mineralogical analysis and processing trials can translate this scientific knowledge into project-specific quantities, recovery rates and commercial values.
Neodymium and praseodymium are important inputs for powerful neodymium-iron-boron magnets. Samarium supports samarium-cobalt magnets used where temperature stability matters. Certain high-performance magnets also incorporate dysprosium or terbium. Developing these products involves concentration, separation, purification, metal production, alloying and precision manufacturing. Each stage offers a possible link between Pakistan’s resource base and a more technically capable economy.
American engagement already has a practical foundation. In September 2025, Pakistan announced a US Strategic Metals partnership with the Frontier Works Organization, envisaging approximately $500 million in initial investment and eventual development of a polymetallic refinery. USSM subsequently reported receiving antimony, copper concentrate and rare-earth material containing neodymium and praseodymium. The U.S. Export-Import Bank also lists $1.25 billion in authorised financing for Reko Diq.
Potential technical partners extend across the industrial chain. MP Materials operates in rare-earth processing and magnet manufacturing, Energy Fuels has demonstrated separated neodymium-praseodymium oxide production, and Arnold Magnetic Technologies manufactures advanced magnets. Their capabilities suggest possible commercial matches as Pakistani projects become investment-ready. Chinese, Canadian, Australian and European expertise can likewise contribute through competitive, transparent arrangements.
The economic scale is substantial. Barrick’s 2025 feasibility plan envisaged Phase 1 ramping up to 240,000 tonnes of copper and 297,000 ounces of gold annually. At the illustrative prices above, this represents about $3.29 billion in annual gross metal value. Its planned expanded operation’s specified ten-year average would represent approximately $6.16 billion annually on the same basis. Net national gains will depend on costs, financing and domestic value addition.
Barrick’s April 2026 update provided for slower development and a review through mid-2027. This makes phased planning valuable: exploration, infrastructure, skills and industrial investment should advance through clearly financed stages. SFA’s proposed rare-earth roadmap similarly progresses from initial exports toward processing and larger-scale mining. Timelines should guide coordination, with implementation measured through completed facilities and commercially qualified output.
Pakistan’s strengths are its mineral base and growing international attention. Its development needs include geological data, processing capacity, dependable utilities and specialised skills. Opportunities encompass exports, technology transfer and manufacturing; threats include security disruption, price fluctuations and environmental pressures. This SWOT assessment points toward coordinated investment, strong institutions and community participation.
The next step is to place industrial development at the centre of mineral policy. Agreements should connect extraction with infrastructure, Pakistani expertise and downstream production. That is the bridge from geological promise to economic transformation—and the question taken forward in Part Two: how Pakistan can use today’s mineral opportunity to build industries that continue creating wealth long after individual deposits are exhausted.
Pakistan News
Political Hoopla in Pakistan

The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) government’s non-cooperation with the federal government’s policies and its opposition to military operations against terrorists led to the imposition of Governor’s Rule on 12 October 2026. Political hoopla has been a defining feature of Pakistan’s political history. The PTI’s dissenting and, moreover, defiant politics led its leadership and activists towards violence. However, the subsequent situation, in which security agencies reportedly identified deep links between KP-PTI leaders and the Taliban and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), convinced the federal government to impose Governor’s Rule. There are allegations that the KP government had a covert understanding with Afghanistan regarding cooperation. Although no one has presented evidence of such an understanding, the PTI’s non-cooperation with Pakistan Army operations, its silence on the deaths of law enforcement personnel, and its apathetic attitude towards equipping the KP police with the required modern weapons and other equipment reflect the provincial government’s detachment from federal policies. These factors have also reinforced the claims made by state institutions. Pakistan is a democratic country, but undemocratic policies and attitudes have devastated the dream of establishing a welfare state. The federal government has spent huge amounts of public money on maintaining a luxurious lifestyle for those in power, while the public has continued to endure severe hardships. Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir has expressed his desire to make Pakistan a hard state in which the rule of law empowers the state. However, this aspiration has yet to be realized because politicians remain reluctant to enforce the rule of law. The rule of law begins with genuine democracy, which is possible only through an empowered local government system. Yet, such a system is largely absent across Pakistan. It does not suit politicians and the civil bureaucracy because it transfers resources and decision-making powers to local governments for development work. Neither politicians nor the civil bureaucracy appears willing to share these resources and powers. Federal and provincial governments may formulate democratic policies, but their undemocratic attitudes towards implementation prevent those policies from producing the desired results. Governments are dominated by elite families that enjoy protection from accountability for illegal and corrupt activities. Such practices include shielding individuals from criminal proceedings, protecting the occupation of government land and plots, and benefiting from corruption, commissions from contractors, NGOs, fraudulent TA/DA claims, and bogus medical bills. This pathetic situation neither restores peace in society nor produces honest and competent leadership. Such a pathetic situation neither restores peace in society nor produces honest and competent leadership. After imposing Governor’s rule in KPK, what is to be done with the PTI followers and leaders? I opine that discarding the traditional policy of dividing the political party into factions is more harmful than declaring one party as a traitor and anti-Pakistan. It would have been better to create a parallel PTI faction instead of the Istehkam-i-Pakistan Party, etc. because the PTI workers must have been provided political shelter somewhere, but right now the establishment has left them in the doldrums, which can be more dangerous. This is what we warned about: it would be very easy for terrorist or violent groups to form governments in the proposed new provinces with small areas. Nobody can prevent violent groups such as TLP, TTP, BLA, etc. from clinching governments in the new provinces with small areas. Now, the federal government owes the entire responsibility to root out terrorism from KPK and to ensure the prosperity of the people. People expect positive results from this political strategy. To sum, if we genuinely want to transform Pakistan into a welfare state in which the rule of law is firmly enforced and crime and punishment are proportionate and consistently applied, ‘we’ must redefine the role of institutions. Who are ‘We’ is yet to be disclosed, although the Constitution ought to be the ‘we.’ Everyone, from politicians to those who exercise a strong grip on the system, must demonstrate the will to put Pakistan on the path to becoming a democratic country. The existing political system cannot transform Pakistan into a welfare state as long as elite capture (Gutterafia) continues to prevail and the powerful remain above the law.
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