war
The Nuclear Factor
IT was April 1994. Pakistan’s army chief Gen Waheed Kakar was on an official visit to Washington. Pakistan was under military and economic sanctions imposed by the US on the nuclear issue in 1990. As a result, a wide range of military equipment including 28 F16s that Pakistan had paid for was embargoed.
Against this backdrop, the nuclear issue dominated most of Gen Kakar’s meetings. In one meeting with top US military and State Department officials, which I also attended as Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington, our American interlocuters offered to release all our equipment including the planes if Pakistan agreed to freeze its nuclear programme and allow a one-time inspection to verify a cap on enrichment. Gen Kakar listened patiently and then politely told his hosts: “Gentlemen, I come in friendship but we in the East do not measure our relationship in planes and tanks. You can keep our F16s and our money. Our national security is non-negotiable.”
I recall this meeting as one example of how resolutely and uncompromisingly Pakistan maintained its position on an issue vital to its security. Had it not done so and caved into international pressure it would not have acquired the nuclear capability which is and has been the guarantor of the country’s security. There has been no all-out war between Pakistan and India since both neighbours became nuclear powers, despite regular crises, skirmishes and military confrontations.
The latest crisis has again thrown this into sharp relief. True, India has acted on its doctrine of limited war under the nuclear threshold, to try to push the boundaries and enlarge space for this in every successive crisis. It has also become the first nuclear power to attack another nuclear state by missiles and air strikes. It has sought to create a ‘new normal’ by launching kinetic actions in mainland Pakistan whenever there is a terror attack in occupied Kashmir, for which it holds Pakistan responsible without evidence.
Pakistan’s strategic capability remains the guarantor of its security against a full-scale war.
In the latest crisis, India used all the instruments of modern, hybrid warfare — ballistic missile strikes, drones, disinformation, psy-ops and weaponising water to undermine deterrence. But Pakistan’s conventional capabilities deterred India from provoking an even larger conflict. Pakistan’s counteractions (initially downing Indian fighter aircraft) imposed heavy costs on India for its aggression. Retaliating to the second round of unprovoked Indian attacks, including on its air bases, Pakistan launched a military operation involving air strikes, missiles and armed drones against Indian military bases and infrastructure in and much beyond Kashmir. A ceasefire followed soon after brokered by Washington and announced by President Donald Trump.
Pakistan’s military response was designed to re-establish deterrence while blunting the aims of limited war and thwarting India’s effort to seek space for conventional war under the nuclear overhang. India’s reckless actions escalated the crisis to a dangerous level and drove it into uncharted territory — almost to the edge of all-out war. But its military brinkmanship had to stop well short of Pakistan’s known nuclear red lines. Thus, were it not for the nuclear factor, a full-scale war could have broken out.
https://www.dawn.com/news/card/1909301
The story of Pakistan’s pursuit of a nuclear capability is worth recalling to remind ourselves of the formidable challenges that were faced — and overcome — to acquire it. Confronted with an implacable adversary Pakistan initially pursued a strategy of external balancing by forging military alliances with the West to counter India and its hegemonic ambitions.
But the lesson of the country’s defeat and dismemberment in 1971 was that it could only depend on itself for its security. India’s nuclear explosion in 1974 was a turning point. It convinced Pakistan of the imperative to acquire nuclear weapons. Western countries, however, sought to punish Pakistan for India’s explosion by adopting discriminatory policies and denying it technology.
Pakistan faced innumerable obstacles in its nuclear journey. It braved Western embargoes, sanctions and censure, US opposition and unrelenting international pressure to stay the course. It took the country 25 years of arduous effort to build a strategic capability and even longer to transform that into an operational deterrent with an effective delivery system. That objective could not have been achieved if successive civilian and military governments had not all pursued this regardless of costs but confident that a firm national consensus backed the effort.
The book Eating Grass by Feroz Khan, published some years ago, describes the fascinating interplay between geostrategic shifts, key political and scientific figures and evolution of strategic beliefs, which shaped Pakistan’s nuclear decisions. It is a riveting insider account of the country’s quest for a nuclear capability and the challenges it encountered. Its title is inspired by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s much-cited remark that if India built the bomb, “we will eat grass, even go hungry, but we will get one of our own”.
https://www.dawn.com/news/card/1756369
Khan explains how Pakistan mastered the nuclear fuel cycle despite heavy odds. He credits this not to a few individuals but to the collective determination of hundreds of people in the civil-military establishment. However, what ultimately determined nuclear success was the cadre of scientists and engineers whose talent was tapped in the country’s early years and who were motivated by the resolve not to let India’s strategic advances go unanswered.
A book that focuses on a different aspect of Pakistan’s nuclear journey is The Security Imperative: Pakistan’s Nuclear Deterrence and Diplomacy by Zamir Akram, an outstanding diplomat. Nuclear diplomacy played a critical role in the country’s efforts to develop a strategic capability which Akram chronicles with illuminating insights. A key theme of his book is how Pakistan’s diplomacy navigated through the discriminatory landscape erected by the West, while advancing its nuclear and missile programmes.
As a diplomat I witnessed first-hand the international pressure mounted on the country. Pakistan was asked to unilaterally sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, agree to inspection of its nuclear facilities, sign up to negotiations for a Fissile Material Cut Off Treaty in the UN’s Conference on Disarmament and curb its missile development. Pakistan said no to all of the above to protect its security interests.
Because of such decisions and the exceptional efforts of those who built Pakistan’s strategic capability its security is assured against a full-fledged war by India. Similar commitment is needed to deal with internal challenges, especially to build a strong, self-reliant economy so that the country is not vulnerable to external pressure.
The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.
Published in Dawn, May 12th, 2025
war
Six dead as Russia hits energy and residential sites in Ukraine
At least six people have died after Russia launched hundreds of missile and drone attacks on energy infrastructure and residential targets in Ukraine overnight.
A strike on an apartment building in the city of Dnipro killed two people and wounded 12, while three died in Zaporizhzhia.
In all, 25 locations across Ukraine, including the capital city Kyiv, were hit, leaving many areas without electricity and heating. Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko said on Telegram that major energy facilities were damaged in the Poltava, Kharkiv and Kyiv regions, and work was under way to restore power.
In Russia, the defence ministry said its forces had shot down 79 Ukrainian drones overnight.
The Ukrainian air force said Russia had launched more than 450 exploding bomber drones and 45 missiles. Nine missiles and 406 drones were reportedly shot down.
The Ukrainian Energy Ministry said there were power cuts in the Dnipropetrovsk, Chernihiv, Zaporizhzhya, Odesa and Kirovohrad regions, but restoration work was ongoing.
Svyrydenko said critical infrastructure facilities have already been reconnected, and water supply is being maintained using generators.

Russia argues its attacks on energy targets are aimed at the Ukrainian military.
Russian attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure ahead of winter are now a familiar part of this war. But ministers in Kyiv are acutely concerned that Moscow is not just trying to damage the morale of Ukraine’s people but also bring its economy to a standstill by collapsing its energy network.
Analysts say this fourth winter of Russia’s full scale invasion will prove a significant test of Ukraine’s defensive resilience.
Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky said the attacks showed there must be “no exceptions” to Western sanctions on Russian energy as a way of putting pressure on Moscow.
The missile strikes came only hours after the US gave Hungary a one-year exemption from restrictions on buying oil and gas from Russia.
In October, the US effectively blacklisted two of Russia’s largest oil companies, threatening sanctions on those who buy from them.
But on Friday, during a visit to Washington by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban – a close personal and political ally of Donald Trump – the US president announced the exemption for Budapest.
In a message on Telegram, Zelensky said the overnight attacks showed that “pressure must be intensified” on Russia.
He said “for every Moscow strike on energy infrastructure – aimed at harming ordinary people before winter – there must be a sanctions response targeting all Russian energy, with no exceptions”.
He said Ukraine expected “relevant decisions from the US, Europe and the G7”.
Debates about sanctions can sometimes seem technical or diplomatic. But for people in Ukraine, they are very real.
If Russia can sell its oil to Hungary, it can use the money earned to build more drones and missiles, like those it launched against Ukraine on Friday night.
war
Israeli military’s ex-top lawyer arrested over leak of video allegedly showing Palestinian detainee abuse
The former top lawyer in the Israeli military has been arrested, as a political showdown deepens over the leaking of a video that allegedly shows severe abuse of a Palestinian detainee by Israeli soldiers.
Maj Gen Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi resigned as the Military Advocate General of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) last week, saying that she took full responsibility for the leak.
On Sunday, the story took a darker turn when she was reported as missing, with police mounting an hours-long search for her on a beach north of Tel Aviv.
She was subsequently found alive and well, police said, but was then taken into custody.
The fallout from the leaked video is intensifying by the day.
Broadcast in August 2024 on an Israeli news channel, the footage shows reserve soldiers at the Sde Teiman military base in southern Israel taking aside a detainee, then surrounding him with riot shields to block visibility while he was allegedly beaten and stabbed in the rectum with a sharp object.
The detainee was treated for severe injuries.
Five reservists were charged with aggravated abuse and causing serious bodily harm to the detainee. They have denied the charges and have not been named.
On Sunday, four of the reservists wore black balaclavas to hide their faces as they appeared at a news conference outside the Supreme Court in Jerusalem along with their lawyers, who demanded the dismissal of their trial.
Adi Keidar, a lawyer from the right-wing legal aid organisation Honenu, claimed his clients were subject to “to a faulty, biased and completely cooked-up legal process”.

On Monday, it emerged the detainee at the centre of the case was released to Gaza in October as part of an exchange with Hamas of convicted prisoners and detainees held without charge by Israel for hostages held by Hamas since 7 October 2023.
Last week, a criminal investigation was launched into the leaking of the video.
Gen Tomer-Yerushalmi was put on leave while the inquiry took place.
On Friday, Defence Minister Israel Katz said she would not be allowed to return to her post.
Shortly after that, Gen Tomer-Yerushalmi resigned.
In her resignation letter, she said she took full responsibility for any material that was released to the media from the unit.
“I approved the release of material to the media in an attempt to counter false propaganda against the army’s law enforcement authorities,” she said.
That is a reference to efforts by some right-wing political figures in Israel to claim that the allegations of severe abuse of the Palestinian detainee had been fabricated.
She added: “It is our duty to investigate whenever there is reasonable suspicion of acts of violence against a detainee.”
war
Israel’s Syria Strike: Killing Spree Continues
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The world watched in shock as Israeli missiles struck the heart of Damascus on July 16, targeting the Ministry of Defense and other critical infrastructure. The timing, scale, and intent of the attack raised urgent questions. Officially, Israeli leaders claimed the strikes were a protective measure for the Druze community in southern Syria amid intensifying clashes with Bedouin tribes. But the broader picture tells a story not just of protection, but of preemptive aggression, regional dominance, and a disturbing disregard for international sovereignty.
This attack came on the heels of quiet diplomatic efforts between Israel and Syria—efforts that had sparked cautious optimism for a historic nonaggression pact. Yet, the Israeli strikes shattered that momentum. According to Israeli historian Itamar Rabinovich, who once led peace talks with Syria, the move reflects a bizarre blend of post-October 7 paranoia and newfound confidence following Israel’s military actions in Lebanon and against Iran.
Indeed, Israel’s military doctrine seems to have shifted dramatically since Hamas’s 2023 surprise assault. Instead of pursuing diplomacy, Israel has shown a clear preference for force—even at the cost of sabotaging peace overtures. Rabinovich aptly described it as “a very strange mixture of trauma and triumph.”
The immediate spark for the latest strikes was Syria’s deployment of troops to Suwayda, a southern province home to a large Druze population. Fighting had erupted there between Druze militias and Bedouin tribes, with Syria’s military intervening to restore order. For Israel, this raised two concerns: a potential threat near its border, and unrest among its own Druze citizens—an influential minority with deep ties to the Israeli state.
The Druze, an offshoot Islamic sect with a population of about one million, are spread across Syria, Israel, and Lebanon. In Israel, nearly 150,000 Druze live under its governance, including 20,000 in the Golan Heights, annexed by Israel in 1981. Unlike other Arab groups in Israel, the Druze serve in the Israeli military, often reaching high ranks. Their loyalty has forged a unique bond with the Jewish majority—one that Prime Minister Netanyahu could not afford to alienate.
This week, when disturbing footage of Druze men being humiliated by Islamist fighters circulated online, Israeli Druze reacted with fury. Protests erupted, roads were blocked, and around 1,000 Druze men reportedly crossed into Syria to defend their kin. Netanyahu, aware of the domestic political pressure, invoked a dual doctrine: “Demilitarization of the region south of Damascus” and “protection of the brothers of our brothers, the Druze.”
But while the justification was rooted in the protection of a minority, the execution was far from localized. Israel did not limit its action to Suwayda or the tribal conflict zone. Instead, it struck deep into Damascus—far from the scene of the clashes—leveling key government buildings including the Ministry of Defense. Footage aired live showed Syrian news anchors diving for cover as missiles hit the capital. At least three people were killed in these strikes.
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, who rose to power after the fall of Bashar al-Assad in an Islamist-led insurgency, faced a fateful choice: escalate into full-blown war or prioritize national unity and civilian protection. He chose the latter, declaring a ceasefire and ordering the military’s withdrawal from Suwayda. In a national address, he condemned Israel’s actions as a bid to “sow chaos” and “divide the Syrian people.”
A temporary truce was brokered with U.S. involvement. Secretary of State Marco Rubio described the Syria-Israel tensions as a “misunderstanding” and said Washington had mediated an agreement among all parties. The ceasefire terms included a halt to all military operations and the creation of a monitoring committee led by Druze leaders. Yet, the truce remains fragile. One prominent Druze cleric, Hikmat al-Hijri, rejected it outright and called for continued resistance.
From a regional perspective, Israel’s strike is not isolated. It mirrors a pattern: attacks on Iran, Lebanon, and Syria—often justified on national security grounds, yet executed with overwhelming force and scant regard for sovereignty. All of these assaults, while publicly condemned by the U.S. and its allies, are often carried out with tacit approval or coordination with American security and political leadership. Netanyahu’s close ties with Washington remain unshaken, bolstered by shared intelligence, joint military exercises, and mutual rhetoric.
During a recent meeting between Netanyahu and Rubio and Hegseth, both sides praised the strength of Israeli-American military cooperation. This alliance was vividly demonstrated during the joint Israeli-American strikes on Iran’s Fordow nuclear site earlier this year and the subsequent neutralization of Iranian missile defenses. These attacks, though illegal under international law, were framed as preemptive defense.
Syria, like Iran and Lebanon before it, opted not to retaliate militarily. Instead, it chose diplomacy, prioritizing civilian safety and national integrity. The restraint shown by Damascus highlights a troubling contrast: while Israel behaves with unchecked aggression, often shielded by U.S. support, its neighbors—no matter how bruised—seek de-escalation over escalation.
But this asymmetry cannot last forever. Israeli belligerence, once tolerated, is now under increasing global scrutiny. Countries that had normalized relations with Israel are beginning to reconsider. The international community, long silent, is finding its voice. From European capitals to U.N. chambers, criticism of Israel’s policies is mounting. Human rights organizations, media outlets, and civic movements have begun imposing informal sanctions—boycotts, divestments, and calls to isolate Israel diplomatically and economically.
Public opinion in the West, especially in the U.S. and Europe, has shifted dramatically. No longer is support for Israel unconditional. The atrocities in Gaza, the disregard for Syrian sovereignty, and the documented humiliation of civilians have eroded Israel’s moral standing. As these trends accelerate, it is increasingly ordinary Jewish citizens—not the political architects of war—who face the backlash.
That, perhaps, is the greatest tragedy of Netanyahu’s militaristic adventurism. In seeking to project power and assert dominance, his government has isolated Israel and endangered its people. A state that once sought peace and legitimacy is now seen by many as a pariah—a state that tears down rather than builds up.
Whether this path changes depends not only on Israel’s leadership but also on whether Washington continues to provide political and military cover. Until then, the region remains caught in a cycle of provocation, restraint, and unhealed wounds—each new strike a blow not just to buildings, but to the fragile hope of peace.
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