war
‘There was a state of terror’: Sudan hospital worker describes fleeing before alleged massacre
A man who escaped the last functioning hospital in the Sudanese city of el-Fasher before a reported massacre by paramilitary troops says he has lost all hope and happiness.
“I have lost my colleagues,” Abdu-Rabbu Ahmed, a laboratory technician at the Saudi Maternity Hospital, told the BBC.
“I have lost the people whose faces I used to see smiling… It feels as if you lost a big part of your body or your soul.”
He was speaking to us from a displaced persons camp in Tawila some 70km (43 miles) to the west of el-Fasher, the regional hub which was taken over by paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in the last week of October after an 18-month siege.
The RSF has been fighting the Sudanese army since April 2023, when a power struggle between their leaders erupted into a civil war.
The alleged killings of at least 460 patients and their companions at the Saudi Hospital were one of the most shocking among widespread accounts of atrocities – some of them filmed by RSF fighters and posted to social media.
In a statement of condemnation, the World Health Organization (WHO) said it was “appalled and deeply shocked” by the reported shootings, and by the abductions of six health workers – four doctors, a nurse and a pharmacist.
The RSF has dismissed the accusations as disinformation, declaring that all of el-Fasher’s hospitals had been abandoned. It disputed the claims by filming a video inside the hospital grounds showing female volunteers tending to patients.
A freelancer based in Tawila gathered interviews for the BBC.
Mr Ahmed told him he had carried on working at Saudi Hospital since the beginning of the war, despite regular shelling by artillery, tanks and drones – which destroyed parts of the buildings and injured doctors and nurses as well as patients.
Medical staff used to share what little food was available as the RSF blockade tightened, he said, sometimes working without breakfast or lunch.
Most of them fled when the paramilitary fighters launched their final assault.
“The shelling started around six in the morning,” Mr Ahmed said.
“All civilians and soldiers headed out towards the southern side. There was a state of terror, and as we walked, drones were bombing us. And heavy artillery too – I saw many people die on the spot, there was no-one who could save them.”
Mr Ahmed said some of the fleeing medical workers arrived with him in Tawila, but many were detained in locations north-west of the city, naming the Garni area, the villages of Turra and Hilla al-Sheikh and the town of Korma.
Some were transferred to Nyala, he said, the RSF’s de facto capital in South Darfur.
“This is the information I received from colleagues we know,” he told the BBC, saying that he later heard medical staff who remained at the hospital were executed.
Mr Ahmed also lost much of his family: a sister and two brothers were killed that day, and his parents are missing.
“I am very worried about the fate of the people inside el-Fasher,” he added.
“They may be killed. And they may be used as human shields against the [Sudanese air force] airstrikes.”
Like many other men suspected of being soldiers, Mr Abdu-Teia was stopped at the Garni checkpoint and interrogated, he says. The two men with him were taken, but the RSF let him go.
“They didn’t beat me, but they questioned me a lot, because of my injury, I think. They said: ‘We know you are a soldier, but you’re finished – you will die on the road. So just go.”
Mr Abdu-Teia says the RSF brought some medicine to Garni but “the injuries were too many – two or three people died every hour.
“The same day we arrived, vehicles came and took people to unknown places. Any young man who looked physically OK was taken.”
He managed to get a lift to Tawila from “people who had cars”. They charged passengers 500,000 Sudanese pounds ($830, £630) and turned on wi-fi hotspots so they could call their families to transfer money, he said. “We left with them – we had nothing, not even plans.”
Many children arrived at the Tawila camps without parents. Fifteen-year-old Eman was one of them.
Her father was killed in a drone strike in el-Fasher, she told the BBC, and her mother and brother were detained by the RSF as they fled.
“Whoever did not die, [the RSF] ran them over with vehicles,” she said. “They took our belongings and told us all of you are soldiers. They beat my brother and choked him with a chain.
“They wanted to beat my mother. She told us: ‘Go, I will come to you.’ We got into a vehicle and left. They did not allow my brother to get into the vehicle. We left them behind.”
Eman escaped but saw other girls and women who did not.
“They took some women. They took them in their vehicles and stabbed some of them with knives. Some were taken while their mothers couldn’t do anything.”
Female survivors have told horrific stories of gang rapes and the abduction of young girls.
Another teenager on her own, 14-year-old Samar, said she had lost her mother in the chaos at the Garni checkpoint, and her father was arrested.
She was told he was taken to the Children’s Hospital in el-Fasher.
That building had reportedly been serving as an RSF detention centre, and it is where the Yale researchers also said satellite images showed evidence of killings: apparent clusters of bodies as well as earth excavations that could have been a mass grave.
The RSF has issued videos to counter these allegations, declaring that the Children’s Hospital in el-Fasher is ready to receive patients.
One shows a man dressed in a blazer standing outside its gate with a group of what appear to be doctors in hospital scrubs.
“These medical personnel and cadres, they are not hostages,” the man in the blazer says. “We are not taking them as war hostages. They are free. They are free to practise medicine.”
Another man in the video, who introduces himself as Dr Ishaq Abdul Mahmoud, associate professor of paediatrics and child health at el-Fasher University, says: “We are here to help any person in need of medical service.
“We are out of politics. Whether soldiers or [civilians] we are ready to help them.”
Dr Elsheikh of the Sudan Doctors Network dismisses the RSF videos as propaganda.
And Mr Ahmed, the Saudi Hospital laboratory technician in Tawila, knows what he has seen, and he has seen too much.
“I do not have any hope of returning to el-Fasher,” he says.
“After everything that happened and everything I saw. Even if there was a small hope, I remember what happened in front of me.”
Mohamed Zakaria is a freelance journalist from Darfur based in Kampala
Additional reporting by BBC Verify’s Peter Mwai
war
Iran’s Digital Leverage to Black Out the Globe
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : When President Donald Trump warned that the United States could “destroy the civilization of Iran,” few in Washington imagined that Iran would respond not merely with missiles, drones, or naval blockades, but by exposing a terrifying reality to the world: modern civilization does not only run on oil. It runs on data. And much of that data passes through the same narrow waterway that carries the world’s energy lifeline — the Strait of Hormuz.
For decades, the Strait of Hormuz was viewed primarily as the world’s most critical oil chokepoint connecting the Persian Gulf to the Arabian Sea. Every crisis in the region triggered fears of soaring fuel prices, economic collapse, and shipping paralysis.
But the 2026 Iran-USA-Israel conflict has revealed something even more consequential hidden beneath those waters: the digital nervous system of the modern world.
Beneath the seabed of Hormuz lie at least seven major undersea fiber-optic cable systems, including FALCON, AAE-1, TGN-Gulf, and several Asia-Europe communication routes. These cables carry enormous volumes of global internet traffic, cloud computing operations, banking transactions, military communications, GPS synchronization signals, AI data flows, financial clearing systems, media broadcasts, and commercial operations linking Asia, the Middle East, Europe, and beyond. These are not ordinary cables. They are the arteries of modern civilization.
More than 95 percent of international internet traffic travels through undersea fiber-optic networks. Gulf nations such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, and Bahrain rely heavily on these cables for everything from oil trading and banking to aviation control and national security communications.
India depends on these routes for connectivity to Europe and the Middle East. Global tech giants such as Google, Meta, Amazon, and Microsoft either own, lease, or operate major portions of the world’s subsea cable infrastructure. In reality, the modern internet is not floating in the clouds. It lies vulnerable at the bottom of the ocean.
Iran recognizes this vulnerability and is keeping the option open to impose licensing fees, regulations, and even operational control over the fiber-optic cables passing through Hormuz. Tehran has reportedly explored legal mechanisms to treat the underwater infrastructure as part of Iran’s sovereign jurisdiction within the strait. While the world initially dismissed these statements as propaganda, the strategic implications are staggering.
The closure or disruption of the Strait of Hormuz already pushed oil prices sharply upward, increasing fuel costs for ordinary Americans and consumers worldwide. Many households experienced thousands of dollars in additional annual expenses due to inflation, rising transportation costs, food prices, and energy shocks. But a disruption of the digital cables beneath Hormuz would unleash a crisis far beyond inflation. It would paralyze civilization itself.
The modern financial system depends on millisecond communication between banks, stock exchanges, SWIFT systems, trading platforms, and cloud servers. Trillions of dollars in financial transactions pass daily through these networks. A major cable disruption could halt real-time banking operations, freeze financial markets, delay international transfers, and disrupt payment systems globally. The consequences would not stop there.
Commercial aviation relies heavily on digital communication networks for navigation, weather coordination, GPS synchronization, and air traffic management. Shipping industries use constant data exchanges for cargo tracking, maritime safety, navigation routing, and port logistics. Modern agriculture depends on satellite-linked irrigation systems, weather forecasting, fertilizer supply coordination, commodity exchanges, and precision farming technologies. Hospitals rely on cloud databases and communication systems. Governments rely on encrypted defense communications. Artificial intelligence systems depend on uninterrupted data exchange between global data centers.
If these cables were severely disrupted, much of the modern world could slow to a standstill within hours. Even temporary outages are catastrophically expensive. Studies estimate that major internet disruptions can cost millions of dollars per hour. IT outages alone can cost corporations over $33,000 per minute. Repairing damaged subsea cables can cost between $1.5 million and $8 million depending on the scale of the disruption. But the indirect economic losses are far greater — potentially reaching hundreds of billions or even trillions of dollars if outages persist.
The world received a warning in 2006 when an earthquake damaged nine undersea cables near Taiwan. Connectivity disruptions lasted for weeks across parts of Asia, affecting banking systems, communications, and trade flows. Eleven repair ships required nearly 50 days to fully restore operations. Now imagine a deliberate geopolitical confrontation centered around Hormuz.
Unlike oil tankers, these cables cannot easily be replaced or rerouted overnight. They lie in shallow, vulnerable seabeds where anchors, sabotage operations, or military activity can sever them. Even a few coordinated disruptions could force global internet traffic into severe congestion, creating massive latency, communication failures, and digital blackouts. This is why Iran’s leverage now extends beyond missiles and naval power.
For the first time in modern history, a regional power has demonstrated the ability to influence both the world’s energy bloodstream and its digital nervous system simultaneously.
Iran’s strategic posture has evolved dramatically during this conflict. Initially, Tehran refused discussions on nuclear limitations, missile restrictions, or reopening Hormuz until hostilities ceased permanently and reparations for infrastructure damage, assassinated leadership figures, and civilian casualties were addressed. Iran’s leadership appears convinced that the closure of Hormuz — and the fear surrounding it — forced the world to recognize the limits of American and Israeli power projection.
Now Tehran possesses another negotiating card: the digital cables. The implications for the United States are profound. American military power depends heavily on global communication networks. Command-and-control systems, intelligence sharing, satellite synchronization, drone operations, logistics coordination, and cloud-based defense infrastructure all rely on resilient international data routes. If Iran can influence, disrupt, or regulate these networks near Hormuz, it creates a new layer of strategic vulnerability for Washington.
Even more alarming for Western policymakers is that disruption can occur through hybrid warfare methods. A cable cut caused by “accidental” anchor dragging or proxy sabotage creates plausible deniability while still inflicting enormous damage. Such attacks are harder to deter than conventional missile strikes.
This is why President Trump’s upcoming visit to China carries extraordinary significance. Beyond discussions about trade, tariffs, and geopolitics, one of the most urgent priorities will likely involve restoring stability to the Strait of Hormuz and ensuring the uninterrupted flow of both energy and digital communications.
The reality now confronting the world is sobering. Oil was once considered the single jugular vein of modern civilization. But the 2026 conflict has exposed a second jugular vein hidden beneath the oceans: the global fiber-optic communication network. Together, these two systems power the modern world. And today, Iran sits astride both.
Whether Tehran ultimately uses this leverage for negotiation, deterrence, or economic pressure remains uncertain. What is certain is that the world has entered a new era where wars are no longer fought only with bombs, tanks, and missiles. They are fought through shipping lanes, data cables, cloud infrastructure, financial networks, and communication systems that sustain every aspect of modern life.
If these systems collapse simultaneously, humanity would not simply face recession or inflation. Large parts of civilization could be pushed temporarily into digital darkness — a modern form of the Stone Age in the age of artificial intelligence.
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Courage of Iran, Spineless Muslim World
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The most important geopolitical question emerging from the recent Middle East conflict is not merely why Israel continues to act with what many describe as total impunity, but why the broader Muslim world, despite possessing immense economic, military, and strategic power, has remained fragmented, hesitant, and largely ineffective in confronting it. The answer to this question exposes not only the changing balance of power in the Middle East, but also the deep contradictions within the global Muslim political order itself.
The recent war transformed many assumptions that had shaped international politics for decades. For the first time in modern history, Iran demonstrated that even the combined military, diplomatic, and economic pressure of the United States and Israel could be resisted.
Few analysts imagined that Tehran would withstand months of military confrontation, survive economic pressure, absorb attacks on its infrastructure and leadership, and still emerge politically stronger.
Yet that is exactly what happened. Militarily, Iran preserved its command structure, maintained its deterrence capability, and continued projecting power through both direct and indirect means. Diplomatically, Tehran achieved something equally remarkable: it prevented the complete isolation that Washington and Tel Aviv had sought to impose upon it.
In the United Nations and other international forums, the United States failed repeatedly to secure the level of consensus it once commanded effortlessly. China and Russia openly resisted Western pressure and challenged American narratives surrounding maritime security, sanctions, and military escalation.
Even many countries traditionally aligned with Washington adopted cautious or neutral positions rather than joining a wider anti-Iran coalition. Instead of appearing isolated, Iran suddenly appeared resilient, composed, and increasingly influential.
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi embarked on an aggressive diplomatic campaign across the Middle East and beyond, reassuring neighboring countries that Iran did not seek war against Arab states.
Tehran repeatedly argued that its attacks on military bases in the region were not aimed at host governments themselves, but at facilities being used by the United States to conduct operations against Iran.
From Tehran’s perspective, if a country thousands of miles away could claim a “perceived threat” as justification for military action against Iran, then Iran also possessed the right to neutralize launch points and operational hubs being used against it.
This argument, controversial as it may be, resonated with many observers who increasingly viewed the conflict through the lens of double standards.
Iran’s leadership emphasized that collateral damage from its strikes was minimal compared to the widespread destruction caused in Gaza, Lebanon, and elsewhere. Whether one agrees with Tehran or not, the diplomatic effect was undeniable: most Middle Eastern states refused to join the offensive side of the war. They remained defensive, cautious, and unwilling to openly participate in direct confrontation with Iran.
At the same time, the United States suffered a severe erosion of political influence across Europe. Washington’s increasingly confrontational posture toward European allies, combined with pressure campaigns and threats of troop withdrawals, accelerated growing resentment inside the European Union.
Germany and other European states began openly discussing strategic autonomy and reducing dependency on American military dominance. What was once framed as a protective alliance increasingly started being viewed by many Europeans as an unequal arrangement driven by American interests rather than mutual respect.
Yet despite this massive geopolitical shift — despite Iran surviving, despite American prestige declining, despite Israel facing unprecedented military and diplomatic pressure — Israel continued its aggressive posture toward Lebanon and Gaza.
This contradiction raises an even deeper question: why did the burden of confronting Israel fall disproportionately upon Iran, a Shia-majority state, while many powerful Sunni-majority countries remained passive?
This is the uncomfortable reality that now confronts the Muslim world. Iran, despite sectarian differences and historical rivalries, positioned itself as the most aggressive defender of Palestinians and Lebanese civilians.
Meanwhile, many Sunni-majority states possessing enormous wealth, advanced weaponry, and strategic leverage limited themselves largely to statements, summits, condemnations, and symbolic diplomacy.
Saudi Arabia, which has long claimed leadership of the Sunni Muslim world, possessed the economic influence to impose severe pressure through oil policy, trade restrictions, and regional coordination.
Turkey frequently projects military strength and strategic ambition, yet during the height of the crisis it remained largely rhetorical. The United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Jordan, and other regional powers similarly avoided meaningful confrontation.
Even countries with immense populations and military capabilities — including Pakistan, Indonesia, Malaysia, and influential African Muslim states — did not collectively mobilize to impose serious economic or diplomatic costs upon Israel.
Ironically, some European countries and international institutions appeared more vocal in defending Palestinian rights than many Muslim governments themselves. European public opinion increasingly shifted against Israeli military operations.
Humanitarian agencies, civil society groups, and even segments of Western political establishments openly criticized the scale of destruction in Gaza and Lebanon. The United Nations repeatedly warned about humanitarian catastrophe.
Yet the Muslim world, despite possessing the strongest emotional, religious, and historical connection to the issue, remained deeply divided and strategically paralyzed.
If Israel justifies its actions in southern Lebanon by claiming it seeks a “buffer zone” for security, then the logic becomes limitless and dangerous. By that reasoning, any powerful state could justify occupying neighboring territory indefinitely under the pretext of future threats.
Security concerns cannot become a permanent license for territorial expansion, demographic displacement, or endless military operations.
Critics increasingly argue that what is unfolding reflects not merely defensive policy, but a broader strategic ambition to dominate surrounding regions politically and militarily.
The tragedy is that the Muslim world still possesses immense leverage if it chooses to act collectively. It controls critical trade routes, energy supplies, air corridors, ports, and markets.
Coordinated restrictions on airspace access, shipping routes, commercial cooperation, and strategic logistics could dramatically alter the regional balance without requiring direct military confrontation. Economic isolation, diplomatic unity, and strategic pressure could impose significant costs while avoiding catastrophic war.
Instead, many governments continue offering rhetorical solidarity while avoiding meaningful sacrifice or risk. This gap between public emotion and state policy has created widespread frustration across Muslim societies.
The lesson emerging from the Iran confrontation is not necessarily about ideology or sectarianism, but about political will. Iran demonstrated that a nation prepared to absorb pressure, endure hardship, and act with strategic determination can challenge even vastly superior powers.
Whether one supports or opposes Tehran’s policies, the symbolism of its resilience has transformed regional psychology. It shattered the belief that resistance is impossible. It exposed the limitations of overwhelming military superiority when confronted by national resolve and strategic patience. Most importantly, it revealed the weakness of states that possess wealth and power but lack collective courage and unity.
The broader lesson for the Muslim world is stark. Fear of retaliation, dependency, and political caution may preserve short-term stability, but they also perpetuate long-term humiliation and strategic irrelevance.
Nations that continuously avoid risk eventually lose both influence and dignity. Courage alone does not guarantee victory, but the absence of courage guarantees submission.
The crisis in Gaza and Lebanon has therefore become more than a regional conflict. It has become a mirror reflecting the political fragmentation, contradictions, and moral paralysis of the Muslim world itself.
Until Muslim nations move beyond symbolic rhetoric and develop coordinated, principled, and strategic policies, Israel will continue acting with confidence and impunity. The future balance of power in the Middle East will ultimately not be determined only by weapons or technology, but by which nations possess the unity, resilience, and political courage to stand firmly behind their convictions.
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Iran Shattered the Dream of Greater Israel
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : At the beginning of the Iran war, many observers believed that the greatest beneficiary would ultimately be Israel. The war was projected as the final chapter in a long strategic campaign to neutralize Iran, dismantle its regional influence, and reshape the Middle East under a new geopolitical order favorable to Tel Aviv and Washington. Israeli intelligence circles, supported by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and their allies in Washington, appeared convinced that the Iranian state was fragile, internally collapsing, economically exhausted, and politically isolated. According to that narrative, all that Iran needed was one decisive kinetic push from the United States and Israel for the entire regime to collapse like a house of cards.
The assumption was that once Tehran fell, a pro-Western puppet regime would emerge, Iranian resources would come under indirect American-Israeli influence, and the strategic dream of uncontested Israeli dominance in the Middle East would finally become reality. This was not merely about defeating Iran militarily; it was about transforming the entire political map of the region.
But history often humiliates those who confuse ambition with reality. Instead of collapsing, Iran resisted. Instead of surrendering, it retaliated. Instead of fragmenting, it unified. And in doing so, it may have fundamentally damaged Israel’s long-term strategic position more severely than any battlefield loss.
The first and perhaps most devastating consequence for Israel has been the erosion of its unquestioned political influence inside the United States. For decades, support for Israel in Washington operated almost as an untouchable doctrine. Congressional appropriations for Israel passed without scrutiny. Military aid flowed uninterrupted. Politicians from both parties competed to prove their loyalty to Israeli security interests. Criticizing Israel was politically dangerous, and opposing Israeli military actions was often portrayed as unpatriotic.
But the Iran war changed the atmosphere dramatically. For the first time in years, large segments of the American public, independent journalists, political commentators, and even lawmakers began openly questioning whether the United States had entered the conflict to defend America or merely to protect Israeli strategic ambitions.
Earlier congressional efforts to restrict presidential authority for war against Iran had failed overwhelmingly. Yet when a similar bipartisan initiative reappeared later, it was defeated by only a single vote. That shift was historically significant. It demonstrated that many lawmakers who once unquestioningly aligned with Israeli demands were now beginning to recognize the political cost of appearing subordinate to foreign strategic interests.
The second major failure for Israel was strategic miscalculation. Iran absorbed the initial attacks, maintained command cohesion, preserved national unity, and launched retaliatory strikes that shocked both Israel and the United States.
Instead of showcasing Israeli supremacy, the war exposed vulnerabilities. Iranian missile and drone operations damaged sensitive Israeli infrastructure and demonstrated that Israel could no longer operate with total impunity. The myth of invulnerability was shattered. When the United States entered directly to support Israel, American bases themselves became targets, expanding the conflict beyond Israel’s borders and increasing the risks for Washington.
The broader geopolitical consequences may prove even more damaging for Israel. One of the hidden strategic goals behind pressure on Iran was to accelerate normalization between Israel and major Sunni Arab states, especially Saudi Arabia. Israeli strategists believed that weakening Iran would frighten Gulf monarchies into deeper dependence on Israeli military and intelligence cooperation. Once Saudi Arabia fully normalized relations with Israel, Tel Aviv hoped to cement its hegemony across the Middle East.
Yet the opposite occurred. Most Middle Eastern states avoided direct participation in the war. Rather than joining a regional offensive against Iran, Gulf countries emphasized diplomacy, negotiation, coexistence, and regional stability. Their leaders repeatedly signaled that they understood how to manage relations with Iran through political engagement, religious ties, and pragmatic diplomacy rather than total confrontation.
More importantly, Iran’s military and strategic resilience has now altered the balance of power in the region. Instead of being weakened into submission, Iran has emerged as what many analysts increasingly describe as the new strategic sheriff of the Middle East. Its demonstrated offensive and defensive capabilities have created a new deterrence equation. For decades, Israel relied on the doctrine of absolute military superiority and total impunity. That doctrine has now been challenged openly and visibly.
With Iran’s strategic credibility strengthened, its allied movements and ideological partners across the region are also expected to gain renewed confidence and momentum. Hamas, Hezbollah, and other Iran-aligned groups are likely to receive a psychological and political boost from Tehran’s survival and resistance. The perception that Iran successfully stood against both Israel and the United States will energize many of its supporters throughout the region. At the same time, the broader influence of Shiite political and religious movements may expand significantly across the Middle East. This could gradually reshape the religious and political balance of power in the region.
Ironically, the very war designed to establish “Greater Israel” may now accelerate the opposite outcome. Instead of expanding Israeli influence from the Euphrates to the Nile, the conflict has exposed the limits of Israeli and American power. The dream of uncontested territorial and military expansion has collided with the reality of regional resistance and shifting geopolitical dynamics. As a consequence, the future may increasingly move not toward a greater Israel, but toward an Israel forced back within more internationally recognized and defensible boundaries.
Equally significant is the perception that the United States itself no longer possesses unlimited willingness or capacity to impose Israeli strategic objectives across the region. The costs of war, domestic political backlash, economic strain, and military overstretch have all weakened Washington’s appetite for open-ended confrontation. That realization alone changes the calculations of every regional power.
Perhaps most importantly, the war transformed global narratives surrounding Israel itself. Around the world, criticism of Israeli policies intensified dramatically. Independent media, social platforms, academics, and even former Western officials increasingly challenged long-standing assumptions about Israeli exceptionalism and impunity. Questions once considered taboo entered mainstream political discourse: Was Israel manipulating American foreign policy? Were American soldiers and taxpayers paying the price for another nation’s ambitions? Had exaggerated intelligence assessments pushed Washington into unnecessary confrontation?
These questions would have been politically unthinkable only a few years ago. Today, they dominate public debate across many societies.
In the end, the greatest lesson of the Iran war may be that military superiority alone cannot guarantee geopolitical victory. Nations endure through legitimacy, resilience, diplomacy, and the ability to command genuine trust among allies and populations. Israel entered the conflict hoping to reshape the Middle East in its favor. Instead, it may have triggered a historic reassessment of its role in the region and its relationship with the United States itself.
The war that was meant to establish permanent Israeli dominance instead exposed strategic overreach, weakened political consensus in Washington, strengthened Iran’s regional standing, and revived resistance movements across the Middle East. Far from inaugurating a new age of “Greater Israel,” the conflict may ultimately be remembered as the moment when the limits of Israeli power were finally exposed before the entire world.
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