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THE battle is over. Now brace for the fallout. This changes everything-The Fall Out

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Rarely have we seen fortunes reverse as rapidly as they just did.

The military’s standing has skyrocketed, and a long line will now form outside the general’s door of people and groups and parties waiting their turn to shower him with honorifics. Banners are going up in cities, ads in newspapers, by business and industry groups.

Let’s start with this. India’s aggressive intent regarding Pakistan has been made so clear now that there is no room left for debate on the need for defence preparedness. The J-10s that brought down the Rafales had been procured in 2022, the year Pakistan came close to default. In hindsight, it was a necessary decision. Remember the rushed summoning of a joint session of parliament in January 2022, during which the amendments to the State Bank Act were passed within minutes of being tabled? All that was done to hurriedly comply with IMF requirements that the government had spent the previous year resisting.

The second batch of six landed on Aug 30, literally days after the IMF Board approved another tranche of $1.1bn. And the subsequent batches all landed in the months ahead. At the time it was possible to ask questions about why a country that was struggling with husbanding its foreign exchange reserves should be buying such advanced fighter planes. But not anymore.

For someone who has been a peace dove all his life, who has advocated for redirection of defence expenditures towards peaceful, development purposes, these words are not easy to write. But reality is stubborn, and two things bring home reality better than anything else: war and the economy.

Both are enterprises ruthless in exacting the costs of folly and mistakes. Neither of the two can be wished away, spun into something other than what they are, or otherwise argued away.

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The reality today is that Pakistan faces an adversary to the east that requires the highest levels of preparedness to confront. Two nuclear powers have never before exchanged missile fire of this magnitude. No nuclear power has initiated hostilities against another on the basis of a casus belli manufactured out of thin air.

In the case of Pahalgam, no evidence linking Pakistan to the attack has been provided. Not even an iota. In fact, at the time the Indian authorities had started blaming Pakistan they could not even answer simple questions about the attack in Pahalgam. How many attackers were there? What weapons did they carry? How many bullets were fired? What route did they take to get to the site? What conveyance did they use? How did they leave the site? Were they in touch with any handlers during the attack? And so on.

This is irresponsible behaviour on the part of a nuclear-armed state. It was also extreme recklessness to use the dual-use, nuclear-capable Brahmos missile to attack Pakistani cities and air force bases during the missile exchanges. These actions — leaping to kinetic hostilities even before any evidence has come in, using nuclear-capable missiles for delivery of conventional payloads — belie a political intent behind the aggression.

It is hard to figure out what military objectives India sought to achieve through this war. It is easier to see that their political leadership is using a muscular assertion of military power to score political points back home.

Except it backfired. As per the political script, Pakistan was supposed to wilt in the face of such bellicosity and aggression. Instead, Pakistan fired back and they hurried to call for a ceasefire. Perhaps they thought that because Pakistan is strapped for cash and on an IMF programme, relatively isolated from the world, it will not be able to take fire for very long and will sue for peace early in the engagements.

Whatever the calculus at the other end, it is clear now that Pakistan has no option but to upgrade its defences and prepare for another round. India was once living proof that a pluralist democracy is not a luxury only rich countries can afford. But its democracy succumbed to demagoguery almost a decade ago. Now that the demagogue whom they have elected as their prime minister, a man who has told his citizenry that he is not naturally born but a divine being sent down with a mission, is consolidating his place and using war as entertainment with which to power his politics. Pakistan cannot take this threat lightly.

As the government prepares its budget for fiscal year 2026, it will have to keep in mind the elevated requirements that will come from the upgradation of its defences and replenishment of inventory consumed during the war.

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Everybody will seek to ride on the revitalised political capital of the military. Politicians and business leaders will compete with each other to sing their praises, and try to weld their own particular interests with those of the military. ‘You need dollars to maintain readiness, and we exporters can bring you dollars’, they will say. ‘But we need the cost of doing business to be brought down to be able to do so’, and so on.

The government, which was looking forward to a little more fiscal space in the year ahead compared to the year past, will have to postpone some of its plans to spend its way back into people’s hearts perhaps. And the opposition, the poor PTI, lost at sea as they already were after the collapse of their ‘final call’ last November, will struggle to find its voice amid the din of applause for the military. This is what the fallout of the war will look like.

The writer is a business and economy journalist.

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Israel’s Bases in Iran and Iraq and Threat to Pakistan

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The June war between Israel and Iran revealed a frightening new reality of modern warfare: nations are no longer defeated only by armies crossing borders or fighter jets bombing cities. Increasingly, wars are prepared from within. The real battlefield now lies inside societies, intelligence networks, covert safe houses, cyber systems, recruited insiders, and hidden operational bases quietly established years before conflict begins.
What shocked military analysts during the June conflict was not merely the intensity of Israeli airpower, but the astonishing precision with which Iran’s top military commanders, nuclear scientists, IRGC leadership, missile batteries, and strategic facilities were targeted. According to multiple international investigations published by The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and The Times of Israel, many of these attacks were enabled through covert Israeli operational networks functioning deep inside Iran itself.
Reports suggest that Mossad had spent years cultivating Iranian dissidents, smugglers, contractors, and covert assets near strategic locations such as Tehran, Natanz, Isfahan, and other sensitive military and nuclear sites. Through these embedded networks, Israeli intelligence reportedly obtained precise coordinates, movement patterns, communication details, and even internal meeting schedules of senior Iranian officials.
The result was devastating. Nuclear scientists were assassinated with pinpoint precision. Missile launchers were neutralized before activation. Air-defense systems were disabled from within. Underground command centers were reportedly identified and struck with astonishing accuracy. Even senior Iranian military gatherings were allegedly tracked through cyber deception operations and internal informants.
Iran later admitted the scale of internal infiltration by launching mass arrests across the country. Thousands were detained on accusations of espionage, treason, and collaboration with foreign intelligence services. Iranian authorities claimed that many individuals had shared coordinates of military sites and strategic locations with Israeli operatives. Tehran’s response reflected a painful realization: much of the war had already been prepared inside Iran long before the first missile was fired. But the most alarming development emerged later.
International media reports revealed that Israel had allegedly established covert operational bases inside Iraq as well. According to these reports, hidden facilities in Iraq’s western desert were used for reconnaissance, logistics, emergency pilot support, intelligence gathering, and preparation for attacks deep inside Iran. Some reports suggested these installations dated back to 2024 and were operational during both the 2025 and 2026 conflicts.
The implications are enormous. If covert Israeli infrastructure could function inside countries openly hostile to Israel, then no regional state can assume immunity from similar penetration.
This is where the danger becomes particularly serious for Pakistan.
Pakistan today faces a highly sensitive strategic environment. The growing convergence between India, Israeli strategic interests, and evolving Taliban-controlled dynamics inside Afghanistan creates a deeply concerning security equation for Islamabad. Afghanistan’s geography alone makes it an ideal staging ground for intelligence operations targeting both Pakistan and Iran. Its porous borders, fragmented governance structures, smuggling networks, militant corridors, refugee movements, and weak centralized intelligence oversight create an operational environment where covert infrastructure can potentially be established with relative ease.
Israel’s operational doctrine, as demonstrated in Iran and Iraq, appears increasingly dependent on first creating hidden operational ecosystems inside or near adversarial states before open conflict begins. Such ecosystems may start as small reconnaissance cells, logistics hubs, communications nodes, safe houses, drone launch sites, cyber relay stations, or intelligence listening posts. Over time, they mature into fully operational covert bases capable of supporting sabotage, surveillance, targeted assassinations, and precision military operations.
This is precisely why Pakistan must now view Afghanistan not merely through the lens of terrorism or border security, but through the broader framework of strategic intelligence warfare.
The danger is compounded by the existing instability in regions like Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Long-running insurgencies, political polarization, smuggling routes, militant financing channels, ethnic grievances, and cross-border trafficking networks create fertile ground for foreign intelligence agencies seeking recruitment opportunities or covert operational access. Such environments are vulnerable to exploitation by any sophisticated intelligence service capable of leveraging local actors, financial desperation, ideological divisions, or anti-state sentiments.
If covert Israeli networks could allegedly penetrate the heavily monitored security structure of Iran, then Pakistan cannot afford complacency.
The warning is clear and urgent: Pakistan and Iran must immediately strengthen their counterintelligence cooperation regarding Afghanistan. Both countries need to activate deep intelligence monitoring systems capable of detecting even rudimentary efforts to establish covert operational infrastructure near their borders. Intelligence operations can no longer remain reactive. They must become aggressively preemptive.This requires several immediate strategic measures.
First, Pakistan and Iran must significantly expand intelligence penetration inside Afghanistan itself. Monitoring militant networks alone is no longer sufficient. Greater focus must now be placed on suspicious logistics activities, foreign funding channels, unexplained infrastructure projects, covert aviation activity, encrypted communications networks, and unusual movements near sensitive border regions.
Second, Pakistan’s intelligence agencies must intensify scrutiny over recruitment pipelines operating through financial networks, NGOs, smuggling channels, technology firms, cross-border trade routes, and ideological organizations. Modern intelligence warfare rarely begins with soldiers; it begins with local facilitators.
Third, sensitive military, nuclear, communication, and leadership infrastructure inside Pakistan must undergo a complete security reassessment. The Iranian experience demonstrated that covert targeting becomes possible only after years of surveillance, infiltration, and mapping. Preventing such penetration requires constant internal vetting, cyber monitoring, communication discipline, and aggressive counterespionage measures.
Fourth, strategic coordination between Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and other regional states must expand beyond diplomacy into active intelligence-sharing frameworks focused specifically on covert foreign operational networks.
The reality of modern warfare is brutal. By the time airstrikes begin, the enemy may already have spent years building the battlefield from inside your territory.
This is why the June war should not merely be studied as a military confrontation between Israel and Iran. It should be understood as a case study in how intelligence penetration, covert bases, recruited insiders, cyber deception, and hidden logistics networks can cripple even powerful states from within.
For Pakistan, the lesson is existential. The greatest threat may not come from visible armies massing at the border, but from invisible networks silently embedding themselves within vulnerable spaces long before conflict erupts. Afghanistan’s instability, combined with emerging India-Israel strategic alignment, creates precisely the type of environment where such covert infrastructure could potentially take root.
Time, therefore, is not on the side of complacency. Pakistan, Iran, and other regional powers must act now — before covert operational ecosystems mature into irreversible strategic threats. Once such networks become deeply entrenched, the cost of dismantling them becomes extraordinarily high, and the damage they can inflict may already be beyond repair.

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Berlin event highlights Pakistan’s strategic restraint and national unity

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BERLIN, Germany — The Embassy of Pakistan in Berlin marked the first anniversary of Maarka‑e‑Haq (The Battle of Truth) with a solemn ceremony that highlighted Pakistan’s national unity, strategic restraint, and commitment to regional peace.

Addressing the gathering, Pakistan’s Ambassador to Germany, H.E. Saqlain Syeda , described Pakistan’s conduct during Operation Bunyan‑un‑Marsoos as an example of responsible and principled statecraft. She noted that Pakistan’s response to Indian aggression was “measured, lawful, and firmly rooted in international norms,” adding that the country’s political and military leadership demonstrated exceptional coordination at a critical moment.

Ambassador Ms.Syeda praised the “unshakeable resolve” of Pakistan’s Armed Forces, commending their readiness to safeguard the nation’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. She also underscored the importance of public support, which she said played a vital role in strengthening the country’s unified stance during the crisis.

Prominent German‑Pakistani businessman Manzoor Awan emphasized the urgent need for unity and national cohesion in Pakistan, stating that collective strength remains the country’s greatest asset in times of challenge.

Speaking at the event, Awan noted that Pakistanis have historically stood together as a united nation. He stressed that strong coordination between the public and the government is essential for confronting external threats, adding that “with unity, not only India but any major adversary can be faced with confidence.”

Awan reaffirmed the unwavering support of the Pakistani people for the Pakistan Army, saying that whenever the nation encounters danger, the public and the armed forces respond together with courage and determination.

Members of the Pakistani diaspora in Germany also spoke at the event, expressing solidarity and national pride. They voiced appreciation for Pakistan’s civil and military leadership and emphasized that diplomacy, unity, and strategic patience remain essential for maintaining regional stability.

Participants reaffirmed their confidence in Pakistan’s leadership and reiterated their commitment to contributing to the country’s progress, prosperity, and global standing.

The ceremony concluded with the screening of a documentary on Operation Bunyan‑un‑Marsoos, offering attendees a detailed account of the events and the national response it inspired.

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Delegation of students from the Comité Interuniversitaire des Nations Unies de Paris (CINUP) visited the Embassy of Pakistan in Paris

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY):- A delegation of students from the Comité Interuniversitaire des Nations Unies de Paris (CINUP) visited the Embassy for interactive session with Ambassador Mumtaz Zahra Baloch.

During the session, the students were given a detailed presentation on Pakistan’s role in multilateral diplomacy, with a particular focus on its engagement with international organizations based in Paris. The presentation was followed by an insightful question-and-answer session.

Ambassador Mumtaz Zahra Baloch underscored Pakistan’s commitment to multilateralism, international law, and peaceful settlement of disputes. She also briefed them on the constructive role played by Pakistan in advancing the mandate of and championing the priorities of developing countries.

CINUP is a Paris-based student organization that promotes awareness and engagement with the work of the United Nations and multilateral diplomacy.

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