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Pakistan’s Enduring Unity Against Indian Aggression

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Pakistan, a country often portrayed through the lens of political instability, economic turbulence, and internal strife, reveals a strikingly different character when confronted by threats from abroad. While its streets may echo with the voices of dissent and disagreement, and while provinces, ethnic groups, and political factions may spar over resources, representation, or ideology, all these differences melt away in the face of foreign aggression. It is in moments of external crisis that the true resilience and unity of Pakistan assert themselves—unmistakable, immovable, and unmatched.
The tragic incident in Pahalgam and the subsequent Indian accusations directed at Pakistan have triggered such a moment. Without credible evidence or the completion of a thorough investigation, India has mobilized aggressive rhetoric, raising the specter of a military response. Pakistan, however, is not merely responding with diplomacy and warnings; it is revealing something more formidable—national cohesion that transcends its internal contradictions.
The warning issued by Federal Information Minister Attaullah Tarar, citing credible intelligence of an impending Indian strike within 24 to 36 hours, underscores the gravity of the moment. But more telling than the content of the minister’s statement is the spirit in which it has been received across Pakistan. It has not deepened divisions. Instead, it has catalyzed a familiar, almost reflexive instinct: unity in defense of sovereignty.
Pakistan’s political culture is as vibrant as it is contentious. From federal-provincial tensions to ethnic grievances, religious sectarianism, and competing party ideologies, the country is no stranger to discord. The last decade alone has witnessed mass protests, changes in government through both electoral and judicial processes, economic disruptions, and serious insurgent challenges—particularly in Balochistan and along the western borders.
Yet, when the Indian threat looms, there is a visible recalibration across society. Political leaders who cannot agree on tax reform or electoral procedures suddenly speak in unison about defending the motherland. Ethnic communities with longstanding grievances rally behind the national flag. Media, often bitterly divided along partisan lines, align their coverage in defense of national integrity. Even insurgent narratives fade into the background when national survival is perceived to be at stake.
This phenomenon is neither manufactured nor symbolic—it is deeply historical and psychological. It was evident during the 1965 and 1971 wars with India, resurfaced during the Kargil conflict, and once again during the Balakot episode in 2019. In each instance, internal conflicts paused, if not dissolved entirely, in service of a greater cause: the defense of Pakistan.
It is easy to dismiss this unity as temporary or reactionary, but that would be to miss its structural significance. The Pakistani nation, despite all its fractures, retains a foundational identity built around its creation as a homeland for Muslims in South Asia. That identity is most activated when external forces threaten its existence, dignity, or sovereignty.
In many ways, this national instinct is rooted in survival. Pakistan was born in the crucible of Partition, with immediate hostility from its neighbor and multiple wars within its first few decades. It developed not only a physical defense apparatus in response, but also a social one—a deeply embedded consensus that territorial integrity and sovereignty are non-negotiable, regardless of who is in power or how deep domestic problems run.
This unity is not blind nationalism. It does not mean Pakistanis agree on everything—or anything—outside of national security. But it is a conscious prioritization of state survival over sectional interests when the threat is real. It is an understanding that no matter how bitter the internal disputes may be, they cannot be allowed to embolden or invite external aggression.
Minister Tarar’s statement gains its real strength from this collective instinct. His declaration that “the nation reiterates its resolve to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Pakistan at all cost” is not mere political posturing. It reflects a lived reality. Across provinces, languages, and party lines, there is little debate on this issue. That cohesion is Pakistan’s greatest strength—and its ultimate deterrent.
Consider recent history. Pakistan’s response to Indian aggression in 2019 was calibrated and effective. Despite economic strain and political tension, the country’s military response, diplomatic mobilization, and public unity forced a strategic re-evaluation in India. The downing of an Indian fighter jet and the return of the captured pilot was not only a military maneuver but also a message of strategic discipline and national solidarity.
This unity also explains Pakistan’s credible deterrence posture. While India’s defense spending is significantly higher, and its military size and technology more expansive, it is Pakistan’s cohesive will and unshakeable defense doctrine that maintain regional balance. The resolve of its population—to support its military, absorb pressure, and respond as one—compensates for many quantitative disadvantages.
India, on the other hand, appears to be ignoring this pattern. By attempting to isolate an incident like Pahalgam and use it to manufacture a pretext for aggression, it risks underestimating both Pakistan’s resolve and its history of united resistance. That miscalculation could be catastrophic—not just for bilateral relations but for the entire South Asian region.
Another aspect often overlooked in such scenarios is the message it sends to Pakistan’s younger generation. While internal politics may erode faith in governance, these moments of national defense re-establish the idea of collective identity. It is in these crucibles that patriotism is not taught but experienced. When political workers, religious leaders, and critics alike rally behind the national interest, it creates a template of civic maturity and democratic responsibility.
This is not to glorify conflict, nor to deny Pakistan’s internal challenges. But it is to affirm a truth that foreign analysts often miss: that Pakistan’s internal instability does not equate to national fragility. On the contrary, its ability to self-correct, mobilize, and unify in response to external aggression is proof of a deeply resilient nation-state.
In conclusion, if India is considering a military move based on unverified claims, it should consider not only Pakistan’s defensive capabilities but also its internal cohesion. What appears to be a divided nation is, in moments like these, a wall of steel. Any adventurism will not face a fragmented state but a consolidated will. Pakistanis may argue over policy, governance, or ideology—but when the land is threatened, they speak with one voice.
The Pahalgam incident, tragic as it is, should have been a cause for collective mourning and sober investigation. Instead, it is being transformed into a catalyst for conflict. If India proceeds, it must be prepared to face not just the Pakistani military, but a united Pakistani nation—one that has stood this test many times before, and will again.

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‘There was a state of terror’: Sudan hospital worker describes fleeing before alleged massacre

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A man who escaped the last functioning hospital in the Sudanese city of el-Fasher before a reported massacre by paramilitary troops says he has lost all hope and happiness.

“I have lost my colleagues,” Abdu-Rabbu Ahmed, a laboratory technician at the Saudi Maternity Hospital, told the BBC.

“I have lost the people whose faces I used to see smiling… It feels as if you lost a big part of your body or your soul.”

He was speaking to us from a displaced persons camp in Tawila some 70km (43 miles) to the west of el-Fasher, the regional hub which was taken over by paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in the last week of October after an 18-month siege.

The RSF has been fighting the Sudanese army since April 2023, when a power struggle between their leaders erupted into a civil war.

The alleged killings of at least 460 patients and their companions at the Saudi Hospital were one of the most shocking among widespread accounts of atrocities – some of them filmed by RSF fighters and posted to social media.

In a statement of condemnation, the World Health Organization (WHO) said it was “appalled and deeply shocked” by the reported shootings, and by the abductions of six health workers – four doctors, a nurse and a pharmacist.

The RSF has dismissed the accusations as disinformation, declaring that all of el-Fasher’s hospitals had been abandoned. It disputed the claims by filming a video inside the hospital grounds showing female volunteers tending to patients.

A freelancer based in Tawila gathered interviews for the BBC.

Mr Ahmed told him he had carried on working at Saudi Hospital since the beginning of the war, despite regular shelling by artillery, tanks and drones – which destroyed parts of the buildings and injured doctors and nurses as well as patients.

Medical staff used to share what little food was available as the RSF blockade tightened, he said, sometimes working without breakfast or lunch.

Most of them fled when the paramilitary fighters launched their final assault.

“The shelling started around six in the morning,” Mr Ahmed said.

“All civilians and soldiers headed out towards the southern side. There was a state of terror, and as we walked, drones were bombing us. And heavy artillery too – I saw many people die on the spot, there was no-one who could save them.”

Mr Ahmed said some of the fleeing medical workers arrived with him in Tawila, but many were detained in locations north-west of the city, naming the Garni area, the villages of Turra and Hilla al-Sheikh and the town of Korma.

Some were transferred to Nyala, he said, the RSF’s de facto capital in South Darfur.

“This is the information I received from colleagues we know,” he told the BBC, saying that he later heard medical staff who remained at the hospital were executed.

Mr Ahmed also lost much of his family: a sister and two brothers were killed that day, and his parents are missing.

“I am very worried about the fate of the people inside el-Fasher,” he added.

“They may be killed. And they may be used as human shields against the [Sudanese air force] airstrikes.”

Like many other men suspected of being soldiers, Mr Abdu-Teia was stopped at the Garni checkpoint and interrogated, he says. The two men with him were taken, but the RSF let him go.

“They didn’t beat me, but they questioned me a lot, because of my injury, I think. They said: ‘We know you are a soldier, but you’re finished – you will die on the road. So just go.”

Mr Abdu-Teia says the RSF brought some medicine to Garni but “the injuries were too many – two or three people died every hour.

“The same day we arrived, vehicles came and took people to unknown places. Any young man who looked physically OK was taken.”

He managed to get a lift to Tawila from “people who had cars”. They charged passengers 500,000 Sudanese pounds ($830, £630) and turned on wi-fi hotspots so they could call their families to transfer money, he said. “We left with them – we had nothing, not even plans.”

Many children arrived at the Tawila camps without parents. Fifteen-year-old Eman was one of them.

Her father was killed in a drone strike in el-Fasher, she told the BBC, and her mother and brother were detained by the RSF as they fled.

“Whoever did not die, [the RSF] ran them over with vehicles,” she said. “They took our belongings and told us all of you are soldiers. They beat my brother and choked him with a chain.

“They wanted to beat my mother. She told us: ‘Go, I will come to you.’ We got into a vehicle and left. They did not allow my brother to get into the vehicle. We left them behind.”

Eman escaped but saw other girls and women who did not.

“They took some women. They took them in their vehicles and stabbed some of them with knives. Some were taken while their mothers couldn’t do anything.”

Female survivors have told horrific stories of gang rapes and the abduction of young girls.

Another teenager on her own, 14-year-old Samar, said she had lost her mother in the chaos at the Garni checkpoint, and her father was arrested.

She was told he was taken to the Children’s Hospital in el-Fasher.

That building had reportedly been serving as an RSF detention centre, and it is where the Yale researchers also said satellite images showed evidence of killings: apparent clusters of bodies as well as earth excavations that could have been a mass grave.

The RSF has issued videos to counter these allegations, declaring that the Children’s Hospital in el-Fasher is ready to receive patients.

One shows a man dressed in a blazer standing outside its gate with a group of what appear to be doctors in hospital scrubs.

“These medical personnel and cadres, they are not hostages,” the man in the blazer says. “We are not taking them as war hostages. They are free. They are free to practise medicine.”

Another man in the video, who introduces himself as Dr Ishaq Abdul Mahmoud, associate professor of paediatrics and child health at el-Fasher University, says: “We are here to help any person in need of medical service.

“We are out of politics. Whether soldiers or [civilians] we are ready to help them.”

Dr Elsheikh of the Sudan Doctors Network dismisses the RSF videos as propaganda.

And Mr Ahmed, the Saudi Hospital laboratory technician in Tawila, knows what he has seen, and he has seen too much.

“I do not have any hope of returning to el-Fasher,” he says.

“After everything that happened and everything I saw. Even if there was a small hope, I remember what happened in front of me.”

Mohamed Zakaria is a freelance journalist from Darfur based in Kampala

Additional reporting by BBC Verify’s Peter Mwai

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Six dead as Russia hits energy and residential sites in Ukraine

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At least six people have died after Russia launched hundreds of missile and drone attacks on energy infrastructure and residential targets in Ukraine overnight.

A strike on an apartment building in the city of Dnipro killed two people and wounded 12, while three died in Zaporizhzhia.

In all, 25 locations across Ukraine, including the capital city Kyiv, were hit, leaving many areas without electricity and heating. Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko said on Telegram that major energy facilities were damaged in the Poltava, Kharkiv and Kyiv regions, and work was under way to restore power.

In Russia, the defence ministry said its forces had shot down 79 Ukrainian drones overnight.

The Ukrainian air force said Russia had launched more than 450 exploding bomber drones and 45 missiles. Nine missiles and 406 drones were reportedly shot down.

The Ukrainian Energy Ministry said there were power cuts in the Dnipropetrovsk, Chernihiv, Zaporizhzhya, Odesa and Kirovohrad regions, but restoration work was ongoing.

Svyrydenko said critical infrastructure facilities have already been reconnected, and water supply is being maintained using generators.

Reuters Residents stand near apartment buildings hit during the Russian drone strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Dnipro, Ukraine, November 8, 2025.

Russia argues its attacks on energy targets are aimed at the Ukrainian military.

Russian attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure ahead of winter are now a familiar part of this war. But ministers in Kyiv are acutely concerned that Moscow is not just trying to damage the morale of Ukraine’s people but also bring its economy to a standstill by collapsing its energy network.

Analysts say this fourth winter of Russia’s full scale invasion will prove a significant test of Ukraine’s defensive resilience.

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky said the attacks showed there must be “no exceptions” to Western sanctions on Russian energy as a way of putting pressure on Moscow.

The missile strikes came only hours after the US gave Hungary a one-year exemption from restrictions on buying oil and gas from Russia.

In October, the US effectively blacklisted two of Russia’s largest oil companies, threatening sanctions on those who buy from them.

But on Friday, during a visit to Washington by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban – a close personal and political ally of Donald Trump – the US president announced the exemption for Budapest.

In a message on Telegram, Zelensky said the overnight attacks showed that “pressure must be intensified” on Russia.

He said “for every Moscow strike on energy infrastructure – aimed at harming ordinary people before winter – there must be a sanctions response targeting all Russian energy, with no exceptions”.

He said Ukraine expected “relevant decisions from the US, Europe and the G7”.

Debates about sanctions can sometimes seem technical or diplomatic. But for people in Ukraine, they are very real.

If Russia can sell its oil to Hungary, it can use the money earned to build more drones and missiles, like those it launched against Ukraine on Friday night.

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Israeli military’s ex-top lawyer arrested over leak of video allegedly showing Palestinian detainee abuse

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The former top lawyer in the Israeli military has been arrested, as a political showdown deepens over the leaking of a video that allegedly shows severe abuse of a Palestinian detainee by Israeli soldiers.

Maj Gen Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi resigned as the Military Advocate General of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) last week, saying that she took full responsibility for the leak.

On Sunday, the story took a darker turn when she was reported as missing, with police mounting an hours-long search for her on a beach north of Tel Aviv.

She was subsequently found alive and well, police said, but was then taken into custody.

The fallout from the leaked video is intensifying by the day.

Broadcast in August 2024 on an Israeli news channel, the footage shows reserve soldiers at the Sde Teiman military base in southern Israel taking aside a detainee, then surrounding him with riot shields to block visibility while he was allegedly beaten and stabbed in the rectum with a sharp object.

The detainee was treated for severe injuries.

Five reservists were charged with aggravated abuse and causing serious bodily harm to the detainee. They have denied the charges and have not been named.

On Sunday, four of the reservists wore black balaclavas to hide their faces as they appeared at a news conference outside the Supreme Court in Jerusalem along with their lawyers, who demanded the dismissal of their trial.

Adi Keidar, a lawyer from the right-wing legal aid organisation Honenu, claimed his clients were subject to “to a faulty, biased and completely cooked-up legal process”.

Anadolu via Getty Images File photo showing the entrance to Sde Teiman military base in the Negev desert, southern Israel (10 January 2025)
The leaked surveillance video was filmed at the Sde Teiman military base in southern Israel

On Monday, it emerged the detainee at the centre of the case was released to Gaza in October as part of an exchange with Hamas of convicted prisoners and detainees held without charge by Israel for hostages held by Hamas since 7 October 2023.

Last week, a criminal investigation was launched into the leaking of the video.

Gen Tomer-Yerushalmi was put on leave while the inquiry took place.

On Friday, Defence Minister Israel Katz said she would not be allowed to return to her post.

Shortly after that, Gen Tomer-Yerushalmi resigned.

In her resignation letter, she said she took full responsibility for any material that was released to the media from the unit.

“I approved the release of material to the media in an attempt to counter false propaganda against the army’s law enforcement authorities,” she said.

That is a reference to efforts by some right-wing political figures in Israel to claim that the allegations of severe abuse of the Palestinian detainee had been fabricated.

She added: “It is our duty to investigate whenever there is reasonable suspicion of acts of violence against a detainee.”

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