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Budget 2025-26: Austerity budget offers ‘crumbs’ for relief

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• Next year’s revenue target set at Rs14.13tr
• Provinces’ contribution helps Centre outperform fiscal target, record lowest budget deficit in a decade
• Subsidy allocations have been reduced by 14pc
• Reduced debt servicing drives expenditure containment of nearly Rs2.26tr
• Generous tax relief, incentives for construction sector
• Fuel levy, electricity surcharges to rise next year
• Tough crackdown planned on non-filers, tax evaders
• Development spending squeezed to cut deficit

ISLAMABAD: Maintaining an aggressive stance on fiscal consolidation, as required by the Int­ernational Monetary Fund (IMF), Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb on Tuesday still managed to offer some notional relief to the salaried class in the federal budget for fiscal year 2025-26, along with incentives for the real estate and construction sectors, in an effort to revive the struggling industrial sector and stimulate economic growth.

At the same time, however, the government announced it was imposing a ‘carbon levy’ of Rs2.5 per litre on petrol, diesel and furnace oil in the upcoming fiscal year, to be doubled the following year. It also introduced a 5 per cent tax on large pensions, an 18pc tax on imported solar panels, and an increase in the debt servicing surcharge on electricity to finance not only interest payments, but also principal debt. Additionally, it announced the gradual elimination of tax exemptions for the tribal areas beginning this year.

Ambitious targets

Despite a record tax shortfall of Rs1.07 trillion recorded for the current fiscal year, the finance minister set next year’s revenue target at Rs14.13tr — an 18.7pc increase from this year’s revised estimate of Rs11.9tr, against the original budget target of Rs12.97tr. This would include approximately Rs840 billion in additional revenue measures, on top of a Rs1.39tr automatic tax increase supported by projected inflation of 7.5pc and economic growth of 4.2pc and expenditure containment of nearly Rs2.26tr (equivalent to 2pc of GDP), driven primarily by reduced debt servicing costs, and also at the expense of development and public welfare initiatives.

Not only the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR), but the provincial governments, too, were unable to meet their commitment of maintaining a Rs1.22tr surplus for the current year. Still, they provided vital support to the federal government with a surplus of Rs1.01tr.

This contribution enabled the federal government to outperform its fiscal target and record a budget deficit of just 5.6pc of GDP (Rs6.44tr) — the lowest in a decade since FY2015-16 — compared to a higher projected deficit of 5.9pc (Rs7.28tr). This notable fiscal tightening was achieved through punishing additional taxation measures amounting to Rs2.2tr (1.8pc of GDP) alongside a reduction in expenditure as interest rates declined from a historic peak of 22pc.

Accordingly, the FY2025–26 budget sets an ambitious target to reduce the budget deficit to 3.9pc of GDP (Rs5.04tr), contingent upon a cash surplus of Rs1.46tr from the provinces. As a result, the primary budget surplus is projected to rise to 2.4pc of GDP, or Rs3.17tr, for the next year — up from this year’s 2.2pc of GDP (Rs2.5tr).

Relief for select groups

The government found sufficient fiscal space to offer some relief to the salaried class, who have been burdened by high tax rates, declining real incomes, and severe inflation over the past two years.

The finance minister proposed a reduction in income tax by half, to 2.5pc, on annual income between Rs600,000 and Rs1.2 million. It is pertinent to mention that there was a discrepancy in the income tax rate for the lowest taxable bracket announced by the finance minister and the tax rate mentioned in the finance bill, which was even lower at 1pc.

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Clarity is awaited on this matter. Similarly, the annual tax on a salary of Rs1.2m was proposed to be reduced to Rs6,000, down from the current Rs30,000. Mr Aurangzeb added that the income tax rate for those earning up to Rs2.2m per annum would be cut to 11pc, down from the current 15pc. Similarly, the tax rate has been reduced to 23pc from 25pc for salaried income between Rs2.2m and Rs3.2m. In addition, the finance minister acknowledged that oppressive tax rates were driving highly skilled professionals to migrate, contributing to a “brain drain”. As a corrective measure, he announced a 1pc reduction in the surcharge on annual incomes exceeding Rs10m.

Apart from this, a 10pc increase in salaries and 7pc rise in pensions was announced for government employees. The salaries of armed forces personnel would also be increased by 25pc, including a special relief allowance in recognition of their recent heroic performance in response to Indian aggression, the finance minister said.

At the same time, the government introduced a generous tax relief and incentives for the construction sector, including access to cheaper mortgage financing, in a bid to revive large-scale manufacturing, which has been contracting for the past three years due to unprecedented increases in energy and borrowing costs. To this end, the finance minister announced a reduction in the withholding tax on the purchase of real estate from 4pc to 2.5pc. The next two current withholding tax rates of 3.5pc and 3pc will also be reduced to 2pc and 1.5pc respectively.

Additionally, a 7pc federal excise duty imposed last year on the transfer of commercial properties, plots and houses has also been proposed to be abolished.

As a new initiative, the budget includes a tax credit on mortgages for homes of up to 10 marla (250 square yards) and flats of up to 2,000 square feet. This is in addition to a new scheme aimed at promoting mortgage financing. The finance minister also announced a reduction in stamp duty on property purchases in Islamabad Capital Territory, from 4pc to 1pc, and expressed hope that provincial governments would follow suit by reducing heavy taxation on immovable property.

The government also succeeded in persuading the IMF to exempt fertilisers and insecticides from taxation for the current year, in an effort to position agriculture as the engine of economic growth.

Tightening the net

On the other hand, the finance minister announced an increase in the tax rate on interest income from 15pc to 20pc, a move that may discourage savings. However, he clarified that this would not apply to small savers or investments in national saving schemes.

Similarly, digital marketplaces and online businesses are to be brought into the tax net through courier companies, it was announced. The minister also announced a 5pc income tax on pensions exceeding Rs10m per annum for pensioners under the age of 70. In a move to promote a cashless economy, non-filers will now be subject to a 1pc advance tax on cash withdrawals, up from the existing 0.6pc. Taxpaying businesses will be discouraged from making cash sales exceeding Rs200,000. Additional measures have also been introduced to encourage online transactions and digital payments.

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Strict steps will be taken against non-filers. Only taxpayers who submit their wealth statements will be allowed to undertake large financial transactions, such as the purchase of vehicles, immovable properties, securities, mutual funds, or the opening of certain bank accounts.

Tightening the noose around unregistered traders, the finance minister proposed the freezing of bank accounts, restrictions on property transfers, and the sealing of business premises in cases of serious violations of sales tax laws, with the involvement of trade bodies. In the same vein, he also announced a notional 0.5pc reduction in the super tax for corporate firms with annual incomes between Rs200m and Rs500m.

Improved tax collection

The finance minister noted a rise in the tax-to-GDP ratio, which has historically been one of the weakest aspects of Pakistan’s economy, from 8.8pc in June 2024 to 10.3pc in the first nine months of the current year. This figure is projected to reach 10.4pc by June 30, 2025. Including non-tax revenue, the federal tax-to-GDP ratio has improved to 11.6pc, representing an increase of 1.2 percentage points, up from 0.8 percentage points last year. The consolidated tax-to-GDP ratio, the finance minister added, has reached 12.3pc, including a 0.7pc contribution from the provinces. “The 1.6pc of GDP increase in FBR revenue is not only the highest in Pakistan’s history, but is also rarely seen anywhere else in the world in recent times,” the minister boasted.

Balancing the budget

The government has set the non-tax revenue target for the next year at Rs5.15tr, slightly higher than the current year’s Rs4.9tr. This brings the total gross federal revenue (FBR plus non-tax) to Rs19.28tr, up from the current year’s original budget target of Rs17.8tr, which was later revised down to Rs16.8tr. After transferring Rs8.2tr to the provinces, the net federal revenue is estimated to be Rs11.07tr for the next year, compared to Rs9.8tr this year. This leaves a projected federal deficit of Rs6.5tr, a reduction from the current year’s budgeted Rs8.5tr, which was later revised to Rs7.44tr.

Subsidy allocations have been reduced by 14pc to Rs1.19tr for the next year, down from Rs1.38tr in the current year. This is primarily due to a 13pc (Rs154bn) cut in power sector subsidies. The tariff differential subsidy for ex-Wapda distribution companies has been reduced by 9.7pc (Rs27bn) to Rs249bn, from Rs276bn this year. Meanwhile, the tariff subsidy for K-Electric has been cut by 28pc (Rs49bn), to Rs125bn from Rs174bn. An even larger reduction has been applied to the tariff subsidy for Azad Jammu and Kashmir, which has been reduced to Rs74bn from Rs108bn, reflecting a cut of 31.5pc.

The major non-tax revenue item is expected to be the petroleum levy on POL products, projected at Rs1.47tr, which is a 26pc increase from the current year’s Rs1.16tr. An even larger contribution is anticipated from State Bank of Pakistan profits, estimated at Rs2.4tr for the next year, though this marks a slight decline from Rs2.6tr this year.

The debt servicing cost for next year has been estimated at Rs8.2tr, representing an 8pc decline from actual repayments of Rs8.95tr, and 16pc lower than the original budget estimate of Rs9.78tr. Pension expenditure is expected to rise by around 4pc, reaching Rs1.06tr, up from Rs1.01tr this year. Military pensions are projected to grow by 12pc to Rs742bn, compared to a 10pc increase in civil pensions, which are expected to reach Rs243bn.

As a result, total current expenditure has been set at Rs16.29tr for the next year, slightly below this year’s figure of Rs16.39tr.

Published in Dawn, June 11th, 2025

Pakistan News

Pakistan and the Trillion-Dollar Peace Dividend

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : At a moment when the world stood dangerously close to a wider regional inferno, Pakistan has emerged not merely as a bystander, but as one of the few states able to talk to all sides and keep diplomacy alive. As of April 15, 2026, there is still no final U.S.-Iran agreement, and no official ceasefire extension has been publicly confirmed. But Washington says fresh talks may happen in Pakistan within days, President Trump is signaling optimism, Pakistan’s military chief has been in Tehran, and regional diplomacy is now visibly revolving around Pakistani mediation. That alone marks a dramatic shift in Pakistan’s standing in the current geopolitical crisis.
The facts matter. The first 21-hour round of talks in Islamabad ended without a deal, with Vice President JD Vance saying Iran had not accepted core U.S. demands, especially on the nuclear issue. Yet Pakistan did not walk away after that setback. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif publicly said Pakistan’s “full effort” remained focused on ending the conflict, while Field Marshal Asim Munir traveled to Tehran in an attempt to narrow differences before the ceasefire expires. That is the real significance of Pakistan’s role: not that it solved the war in one stroke, but that it kept open the only serious diplomatic corridor after formal negotiations collapsed.
This matters because the war’s costs are no longer theoretical. The conflict that began on February 28 has already killed more than 5,000 people across the region. The repair costs to damaged energy infrastructure alone may reach as high as $58 billion. The Strait of Hormuz, through which about one-fifth of global oil and LNG normally passes, remains the central choke point in the conflict. Even after the April 8 ceasefire, traffic through Hormuz had at one stage fallen to less than 10% of normal, while ships and crews remained trapped and insurers, traders and governments braced for a prolonged shock.
That is why Pakistan’s diplomatic intervention should be understood not only in moral or political terms, but in financial ones. No government or international institution has yet issued an official dollar figure for what Pakistan has “saved.” Still, scenario-based calculations grounded in World Bank, IMF and Reuters reporting suggest that if Pakistan’s mediation helps convert the fragile ceasefire into a durable settlement, the avoided losses could plausibly run from the high hundreds of billions into the low trillions. This is not propaganda; it is what the macroeconomic numbers imply.
Start with global growth. The IMF cut its 2026 global growth forecast to 3.1% because of the war and warned that, in a severe scenario, growth could fall to 2.0%. The World Bank separately warned that even in a best case the war could shave 0.3 to 0.4 percentage points off global growth, and as much as 1 point in a prolonged conflict. WTTC data showing global travel and tourism alone contributed $11.7 trillion in 2025, equal to 10.3% of global GDP, implying a world economy of roughly $113.6 trillion. On that basis, preventing a 0.3–0.4 point hit means protecting roughly $341 billion to $454 billion of global output. Preventing a 1-point hit protects about $1.14 trillion. Preventing the IMF’s 1.1-point slide from 3.1% to 2.0% implies roughly $1.25 trillion in avoided output loss.
And that is only the macro layer. Add the already-estimated $58 billion energy repair bill, the IMF’s warning that more than a dozen countries may need $20 billion to $50 billion in support, the World Bank’s preparedness to mobilize $80 billion to $100 billion for war-hit economies, and the UNDP estimate that just $6 billion in emergency support could keep 32 million people from falling into poverty due to the war-driven energy shock. Even before counting military fuel, munitions, deployment costs, higher insurance, rerouted shipping, lost industrial output and inflation spillovers, the visible tally of avoided or containable damage quickly rises into the hundreds of billions.
Markets themselves are already pricing the value of diplomacy. Gulf stock markets rising on renewed hopes of U.S.-Iran talks, while Wall Street pushed to record highs as investors bet the worst might be avoided. Brent crude, though still elevated, has pulled back from the panic zone above $100 and hovered around $95 on April 15 as traders responded to the possibility of renewed negotiations. Eleven finance ministers meeting around the IMF-World Bank spring meetings called for full implementation of the ceasefire, warning that even if the shooting stops, the economic aftershocks on inflation, growth and debt will linger. That is the clearest evidence that diplomacy is not a symbolic exercise; it is already functioning as a stabilizing economic asset.
Pakistan’s importance in this crisis is therefore not accidental. It has managed to present itself as credible to Washington, acceptable to Tehran, relevant to Gulf capitals and increasingly necessary to wider regional diplomacy that now also involves Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. President Erdogan has openly referenced Pakistan’s mediator role, while the White House has acknowledged Pakistan as the likely venue for the next round. In a fractured region where many actors are aligned too heavily with one bloc or another, Pakistan’s value lies in being politically connected, militarily serious, diplomatically flexible and geographically impossible to ignore.
Still, the argument must remain grounded. Pakistan has not yet “saved the world” in any final sense, because the war is not formally over, the Hormuz issue is unresolved, Lebanon remains volatile, and the hardest questions — nuclear verification, sanctions, shipping access and war damages — are still on the table. The IAEA chief has warned that any real settlement will require detailed inspections, and Reuters says U.S. economic pressure on Iran is still intensifying even while diplomacy continues. So the credit Pakistan deserves today is not for a completed peace, but for preventing diplomatic collapse and preserving the one path that could still save the region from a second explosion.
If the second round succeeds, Pakistan’s diplomatic dividend will be immense. It will not simply have hosted talks; it will have helped prevent a wider energy shock, a deeper inflation spiral, further destruction across Iran and the region, and perhaps a global recession. In scenario terms, that would place Pakistan’s peace dividend somewhere between roughly $341 billion and $1.25 trillion in avoided world output loss, before adding infrastructure, humanitarian and fiscal savings. For a country long described as fragile, indebted and peripheral, that would be a stunning reversal. Pakistan may still be economically constrained, but in this crisis it has demonstrated something rarer than wealth: strategic usefulness. And in the modern world order, the country that can stop a war may matter more than the country that can afford one.

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Pakistan’s Peace Window Reopens

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : After a tense pause in talks between Iran and the United States held in Islamabad on April 11, and to the relief of the entire world, diplomacy has not died; it has simply entered a more difficult and consequential phase, with Pakistan once again emerging as the venue where war-weary rivals may still search for an exit.
The collapse of the first round of direct U.S.-Iran talks in Pakistan did not end diplomacy. It exposed how far apart the two sides still are, but it also showed that both Washington and Tehran believe the crisis is too dangerous to leave to military logic alone. On April 14, President Donald Trump said a second round of talks in Pakistan could happen “over the next two days,” while U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres called it “highly probable” that negotiations would restart. Pakistan’s finance minister, Muhammad Aurangzeb, also said the country’s leadership was “not giving up” and would keep pursuing dialogue.
That is the real story of the moment. The first session in Islamabad may have ended without a deal, but it was not a diplomatic failure in the larger sense. Vice President JD Vance himself struck a more optimistic tone on April 14, saying negotiators had made “a ton of progress,” that Iranian negotiators appeared to want a deal, and that he felt “very good” about where things stood. That is a very different message from a final rupture. It suggests the breakdown was procedural and substantive, not terminal. The gap remains wide, especially over enrichment, inspections, and access, but the process is alive.
Pakistan’s importance has therefore grown rather than diminished. It hosted the first direct U.S.-Iran discussion in nearly half a century, won public praise from Guterres, and is now being openly discussed again as the venue for the next round. In diplomacy, trust is measured less by ceremony than by repetition. If two adversaries return to the same table in the same country after a failed first round, that country has already scored a quiet but significant success. Pakistan’s role is no longer symbolic; it is becoming operational.
The reason the world cares so intensely is obvious. The war has already imposed a severe economic shock. Reuters reported that Wall Street rallied sharply on April 14 because investors interpreted talk of renewed negotiations as a sign that the worst-case scenario might still be avoided. The S&P 500 rose 1.17%, the Nasdaq jumped 1.95%, and Brent crude fell 4.6% to $94.79 while WTI dropped nearly 8% to $91.20. Markets were not celebrating peace; they were pricing in the possibility that diplomacy might prevent a wider catastrophe.
The IMF’s warning makes the stakes even clearer. It cut its 2026 growth forecast for the Middle East and North Africa to 1.1%, with Iran’s economy projected to contract 6.1%, and warned that the conflict is already inflicting broad damage through disrupted shipping, damaged infrastructure, and energy insecurity. In other words, this is no longer a regional war with merely regional costs. It has become a global economic threat touching inflation, shipping, fertilizer, fuel, and food systems far beyond the battlefield.
That is why the Strait of Hormuz remains central to everything. About one-fifth of the world’s oil trade normally passes through that corridor, and both the war and the subsequent U.S. blockade of Iranian ports have turned it into the most sensitive chokepoint in the global economy. Reuters reported that Britain and France are now preparing a 40-country diplomatic effort focused on restoring freedom of navigation, while refusing to simply fold themselves into the American approach. That alone tells us how far the crisis has widened: even close U.S. allies are now building parallel frameworks to contain the fallout.
Washington’s own posture reflects strain. Publicly, U.S. officials remain firm. Vance has repeated that Iran cannot be allowed to retain a path to nuclear weapons capability, and reports from CBS and the Washington Post indicate that Washington pushed a demand for a long suspension of uranium enrichment, alongside wider restrictions. But firmness is not the same as appetite for endless war. The very fact that the White House is signaling renewed talks so quickly after the first round shows that military pressure alone has not delivered closure. It has created leverage, but not resolution.
Iran, for its part, is also signaling that it has not shut the door. Tehran continues to insist on its rights under international law and rejects maximalist U.S. demands, but its willingness to return to talks in Pakistan indicates that it still sees diplomacy as useful, especially if the alternative is a prolonged economic siege and continued strategic pressure. Guterres’ remarks, Pakistan’s continued engagement, and Trump’s own public comments all point in the same direction: neither side believes this crisis can be settled quickly through coercion alone.
Parallel diplomacy is also unfolding on another front, though with far less certainty. Israel and Lebanon held their first direct talks in decades in Washington on April 14, under U.S. auspices and with Secretary of State Marco Rubio participating. The talks produced agreement to continue discussions, but they also immediately revealed their core weakness: Hezbollah rejects the track, and rocket fire resumed even as diplomacy was being launched. That does not make the talks meaningless, but it does mean they cannot by themselves end the violence unless they eventually alter the military and political calculations of the armed actors on the ground.
So the regional picture is mixed. On one side, there is cautious diplomatic movement: Pakistan trying to bring Washington and Tehran back together, Europe preparing a post-crisis Hormuz framework, and Washington opening a rare direct Israel-Lebanon channel. On the other side, there is still active fighting, deep mistrust, maritime disruption, and a massive humanitarian toll. AP reported that more than 2,100 people have been killed in Lebanon and more than a million displaced, while the broader war has killed thousands in Iran and continued to wound U.S. forces. These realities make optimism necessary, but premature triumphalism dangerous.
What Pakistan can claim, however, is substantial. It has shown itself capable of hosting high-risk diplomacy with professionalism and enough credibility that both parties are prepared to consider returning. For a country often described internationally through the language of instability, this is a valuable reversal of narrative. Pakistan is being seen not as a bystander to chaos, but as a facilitator of de-escalation. That does not guarantee success, but it does restore diplomatic relevance.
The next 48 hours matter because they will test whether the first Islamabad round was merely an opening probe or the foundation of a real process. If talks resume, markets will likely read that as the strongest signal yet that a broader settlement remains possible. If they do not, the war economy, maritime insecurity, and political fragmentation now spreading from Tehran to Washington to Europe will deepen. For now, the most important fact is simple: the door is still open, and Pakistan is still holding it.

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Pakistan High Commission Partners with Gerrys for UK Consular Services New Facilitation Centres to Enhance Access for Overseas Pakistanis

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During a solemn ceremony held today, the High Commission for Pakistan signed a landmark agreement with Gerrys Visa Services Ltd., designating the latter as the sole authorized partner for establishing a network of Facilitation Centres to provide Consular Services across the United Kingdom. The initiative has been undertaken in line with the approval of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and aims to enhance the accessibility and efficiency of consular services for the Pakistani community throughout the country.

The initiative marks a major step forward in the High Commission’s commitment to serving the two million strong Pakistani diaspora in the UK. Under the agreement, Gerrys Visas Services Ltd. will operate the only authorized service centres nationwide, enabling overseas Pakistanis to access a wide range of consular services, including the processing of visas, passports, NADRA related documents, and attestation services.

Speaking on the occasion, the High Commissioner for Pakistan, Dr. Muhammad Faisal, stated, “this partnership is about putting overseas Pakistanis first. By decentralizing these essential services through authorized partners like Gerrys, we are eliminating the burden of long distance travel and making consular access faster, safer, and more convenient.”

At the same time, a key objective of the agreement is to combat the growing menace of unauthorized and fraudulent visa and NADRA facilitation centres operating across the UK, which have been charging exorbitant fees and perpetrating scams that harm vulnerable applicants. The new framework will also help prevent data pilferage by ensuring that personal information is no longer provided to unapproved entities.

Mr. Afzal Wali Muhammad, Chairman of Gerrys Visa Services Ltd., expressed that the company is honoured to be entrusted as the single authorised partner for this transformative project. He pledged to ensure world-class, transparent, and secure services for the Pakistani community across the UK.

The first Gerrys Visa Services Ltd. Facilitation Centre will be inaugurated in May 2026, with a phased expansion planned to establish a comprehensive presence across all major regions of the United Kingdom. Further details regarding locations, services, and appointment procedures will be announced in the coming weeks.

London
13th April, 2026

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