Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Beyond its economic diversification and ambitious infrastructure projects, Saudi Arabia’s meteoric rise as a global powerhouse is increasingly evident through its dynamic diplomacy, international alliances, and calculated geopolitical maneuvers. At the helm of this strategic transformation is Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), whose bold foreign policy vision has redefined the Kingdom’s global posture. Through direct engagement with world leaders, targeted investments, and calculated geopolitical decisions, MBS has transformed Saudi Arabia into a key international actor whose influence now extends far beyond the Gulf region. In February 2025, MBS hosted a trilateral summit in Riyadh with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani form “Gulf-Eurasia Strategic Forum,” a diplomatic initiative focused on defense, energy, and trade coordination across the Middle East and Central Asia—signaling a shift in regional diplomacy led by Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia’s diplomatic relations have undergone a tectonic shift under MBS’s stewardship, notably through high-profile bilateral agreements with global powers. A hallmark of this strategy has been forming economic and political alliances that enhance both regional security and global influence. The Kingdom has strategically positioned itself as a reliable partner to major powers, ensuring its voice carries weight in matters of international policy. In March 2024, Saudi Arabia signed a comprehensive defense and technology cooperation agreement with the United Kingdom. This included a $12 billion joint venture to develop military drones and cybersecurity systems, alongside intelligence-sharing protocols, cementing Saudi Arabia’s growing role as a tech-savvy security partner.
The Kingdom’s financial clout also plays a central role in its rising global stature. Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund, the Public Investment Fund (PIF), is increasingly being used as a tool of international diplomacy. With multi-billion-dollar investments in key sectors of partner countries, the Kingdom is influencing the flow of capital and technology on a global scale, enhancing both its financial reach and diplomatic leverage. In January 2025, PIF committed $18 billion to renewable energy and semiconductor manufacturing projects in India including a joint solar energy research center and marks a deepening of India-Saudi economic ties in high-growth sectors.
MBS’s personal diplomacy is perhaps one of the most visible markers of Saudi Arabia’s strategic shift. Unlike previous rulers, MBS takes an active role in shaping foreign policy through direct and personal engagement with world leaders. These one-on-one meetings often result in significant bilateral or multilateral agreements that would otherwise require prolonged negotiations. In April 2024, MBS made a surprise visit to Beijing, where he personally negotiated a trilateral energy corridor agreement between Saudi Arabia, China, and Kazakhstan. The deal will facilitate the export of Saudi crude and hydrogen to Central Asia via a newly proposed pipeline route, aligning energy diplomacy with China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
Saudi Arabia’s efforts in conflict mediation have also elevated its diplomatic prestige on the global stage. MBS has strategically positioned the Kingdom as a neutral and trusted interlocutor in international disputes, extending Saudi Arabia’s influence beyond the Middle East and into global conflict resolution. On March 24, 2025, Saudi Arabia hosted groundbreaking peace talks in Riyadh between Russia and the United States, aimed at advancing a roadmap for ending the Ukraine conflict. While a full agreement remains elusive, Riyadh’s neutral hosting and shuttle diplomacy have earned global recognition, reflecting MBS’s growing clout as a mediator between great powers.
Geopolitically, Saudi Arabia has taken an assertive stance under MBS’s leadership. The Kingdom has evolved from a reactive foreign policy approach to one marked by strategic initiative, particularly in regional conflicts and power balances. While this shift has drawn mixed international reactions, it undeniably signifies Saudi Arabia’s intent to lead rather than follow in regional affairs. In June 2024, Saudi Arabia brokered a ceasefire between Sudanese government forces and rebel militias after weeks of civil unrest in Khartoum.
One of the boldest moves by MBS in recent years has been recalibrating Saudi Arabia’s relationship with Israel. Previously unimaginable, these diplomatic engagements have introduced a new dynamic into Middle Eastern politics, challenging decades-old narratives and alliances. The approach balances normalization efforts with continued support for Palestinian statehood—carefully managing both international and domestic expectations. In October 2024, Saudi Arabia allowed direct Hajj flights from Tel Aviv to Jeddah for the first time, enabling over 5,000 Israeli Muslims to attend the pilgrimage. While official diplomatic recognition remains pending, this practical cooperation reflects a significant warming of relations.
Saudi Arabia has also aligned itself with key global initiatives on climate action and sustainability. Recognizing the urgency of environmental challenges, the Kingdom has adopted an approach that integrates its economic goals with international environmental responsibilities. These efforts aim to reframe the Kingdom’s image from a fossil-fuel state to a clean energy innovator. At COP29 in Dubai in December 2024, Saudi Arabia pledged $10 billion to a newly launched “Green Hydrogen for the Global South” fund. This fund, co-sponsored with Germany and Japan, aims to support green hydrogen projects in Africa and Southeast Asia and represents a major shift in Saudi Arabia’s international climate leadership.
Cultural diplomacy has become another key pillar in MBS’s international strategy. Through strategic investments in global entertainment and sports, Saudi Arabia is not just opening itself to the world—but also exporting its image abroad. These efforts serve both soft power ambitions and economic goals related to tourism and global branding. In February 2025, Saudi Arabia signed a multi-year hosting deal with the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC), bringing major international MMA events to Riyadh and Jeddah.
Lastly, energy remains a crucial instrument of Saudi Arabia’s global influence. While the Kingdom pursues diversification, it continues to leverage its dominance in oil production to shape global markets. Through OPEC+ leadership, Riyadh ensures that its decisions reverberate across global inflation rates, industrial costs, and national budgets worldwide. In January 2025, Saudi Arabia led an OPEC+ decision to maintain oil production cuts, keeping Brent crude prices above $90 per barrel amid global economic uncertainty.
Under MBS’s vision, Saudi Arabia’s global emergence is not an accidental byproduct of wealth but a carefully executed strategy rooted in diplomacy, financial acumen, environmental foresight, and cultural projection. Every foreign engagement, investment decision, or diplomatic maneuver underlines a deeper ambition—to redefine Saudi Arabia as not just a participant in the international system but a rule-setter in it.

A Pakistan Day rally organised by the PTI on Sunday met “resistance” as it made its way to the Mazar-i-Quaid, according to a statement from the party.

According to the statement issued by party spokesperson Mohammed Ali Bozdar, the rally was led by PTI Sindh President Haleem Adil Sheikh, Karachi President Raja Azhar, General Secretary Arsalan Khalid, and other party leaders.

The demonstration, which commenced from Empress Market, was scheduled to reach Mazar-i-Quaid. “However, law enforcement authorities placed barricades at multiple locations in an attempt to obstruct the march,” the statement read.

“Heavy police deployment was observed around the Press Club, while at Mazar-i-Quaid, officials allegedly used force to disperse participants, resulting in several PTI workers being manhandled,” the party alleged.

Condemning the police action, Haleem Adil Sheikh was quoted as saying, “We are patriotic Pakistanis, yet we are being stopped from celebrating Pakistan Day. We are carrying national flags, not weapons.”

He alleged that the Sindh government was operating under a “dictatorship” led by PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, alleging that police were focusing on suppressing the PTI rather than curbing street crime in Karachi.

Raja Azhar also denounced the crackdown, questioning, “As Pakistani citizens, do we not have the right to celebrate Pakistan Day?”

In the statement, he claimed that Bilawal’s “illegitimate government” was nearing its end and predicted the downfall of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in Sindh.

“During the rally, participants waved both Pakistani and PTI flags while chanting slogans demanding the release of Imran Khan and criticising the government’s policies,” the statement read.

When contacted, South Deputy Inspector General of Police Syed Asad Raza told Dawn.com that police cordoned off the Karachi Press Club due to “security reasons” by parking buses on Sarwar Shaheed Road along others, and erecting temporary barriers.

Taken From Dawn News

https://www.dawn.com/news/1899875/ptis-pakistan-day-rally-faces-resistance-in-karachi-party

In a recent interview, Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke positively about India’s relationship with long-time rival China. He said normalcy had returned to the disputed India-China border and called for stronger ties.

These are striking comments, because tensions have been high since a nasty border clash in the northern Ladakh region in 2020 – the deadliest since a 1962 war.

Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning expressed appreciation for Modi’s words and declared that “the two countries should be partners that contribute to each other’s success”.

Modi’s pitch for closer partnership isn’t actually as big of a leap as it may seem, given recent improvements in bilateral ties. But the relationship remains strained, and much will need to fall into place – bilaterally and more broadly geopolitically – for it to enjoy a true rapprochement.

India-China ties have many bright spots.

Bilateral trade is consistently robust; even after the Ladakh clash, China has been India’s top trade partner. They co-operate multilaterally, from Brics, the alliance of major developing countries, to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. They share interests in advancing non-Western economic models, countering Islamist terrorism and rejecting what they deem US moral crusading.

Even after the Ladakh clash sunk ties to their lowest level in decades, the two militaries continued to hold high-level dialogues, which resulted in a deal in October to resume border patrols. Modi met Chinese President Xi Jinping at a Brics summit in Russia that month and they pledged further co-operation. In January, the two sides agreed to resume direct flights.

Still, the relationship remains troubled.

Each side has close security ties with the other’s main competitor: India with the US and China with Pakistan.

China opposes Indian policies in the disputed Kashmir region. Beijing frustrates India’s great power ambitions by blocking its membership in influential groupings like the Nuclear Suppliers Group and permanent membership on the UN Security Council.

China has a large naval presence, and its only overseas military base, in India’s broader maritime backyard.

The Belt and Road Initiative, the connectivity corridor through which Beijing has expanded its footprint in India’s neighbourhood, is categorically rejected by Delhi for passing through India-claimed territory.

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Meanwhile, India is deepening ties with Taiwan, which China views as a renegade province. It hosts the Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan leader. Beijing regards him as a dangerous separatist.

India is negotiating sales of supersonic missiles to Southeast Asian states that could be used to deter Chinese provocations in the South China Sea. China views several global forums to which India belongs, such as the Indo-Pacific Quad and the Middle East Europe Economic Corridor, as attempts to counter it.

There are several signposts to watch to get a better sense of the relationship’s future trajectory.

One is border talks. Fifty thousand squares miles of the 2,100-mile (3,380km)-long frontier – an area equal to the size of Greece – remain disputed.

The situation on the border is the biggest bellwether of the relationship. The Ladakh clash shattered trust; last year’s patrolling deal helped restore it. If the two sides can produce more confidence-building measures, this would bode well for relations.

Future high-level engagement is also important. If Modi and Xi, both of whom place a premium on personal diplomacy, meet this year, this would bolster recent momentum in bilateral ties. They’ll have opportunities on the sidelines of leaders summits for Brics in July, G20 in November and the Shanghai Co-operation Group (SCO) sometime later this year.

Another key signpost is Chinese investment, which would bring critical capital to key Indian industries from manufacturing to renewables and help ease India’s $85bn (£65.7bn) trade deficit with China.

An increase in such investme ts would give India a timely economic boost and China more access to the world’s fastest-growing major economy. Stronger commercial co-operation would provide more incentives to keep broader tensions down.

Regional and global developments are also worth watching.

Four of India’s neighbours – Bangladesh, the Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka – recently had new leaders take office who are more pro-China than their predecessors. But so far, they’ve sought to balance ties with Beijing and Delhi, not align with China.

If this continues, Delhi’s concerns about Beijing’s influence in India’s neighbourhood could lessen a bit. Additionally, if China were to pull back from its growing partnership with India’s close friend Russia – a more likely outcome if there’s an end to the war in Ukraine, which has deepened Moscow’s dependence on Beijing – this could help India-China ties.

The Trump factor looms large, too.

US President Donald Trump, despite slapping tariffs on China, has telegraphed a desire to ease tensions with Beijing.

If he does, and Delhi fears Washington may not be as committed to helping India counter China, then India would want to ensure its own ties with China are in a better place.

• India’s balancing act with West as Brics flexes new muscles
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Additionally, if Trump’s impending reciprocal tariff policy hits India hard – and given the 10% average tariff differentials between the US and India, it certainly could – India will have another incentive to strengthen commercial cooperation with Beijing.

India and China are Asia’s two largest countries, and both view themselves as proud civilisation states.

They’re natural competitors. But recent positive developments in ties, coupled with the potential for bilateral progress on other fronts, could bring more stability to the relationship – and ensure Modi’s conciliatory language isn’t mere rhetoric.

Taken From BBC News

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cj4nkxv4e4po