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Would you work for no pay? The question behind the Air Canada strike

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When Air Canada flight attendants walked off the job earlier a week ago, they had one rallying cry: “Unpaid work won’t fly.”

It was a reference to the long-standing practice in North America’s aviation industry of not paying cabin crew for work they do when they are on the ground, before the plane is in motion.

In contrast, some European airlines, industry experts told the BBC, pay cabin crew monthly wages rather than by the hour.

The pay structure surprised Canadian flyers, many of whom supported the striking workers, one poll commissioned by the union suggested.

The brief strike wreaked havoc during the peak summer travel season, but flights resumed after both sides agreed to a tentative deal on Tuesday.

The proposed agreement reached by the Canadian Union for Public Employees (Cupe) and Air Canada has not been fully released, but those familiar with its contents report that it includes a pay bump over several years and, most notably, partial pay for boarding duties and cabin secure checks before take off – a first.

Experts say the wins secured by Air Canada’s cabin crew could help solidify a new standard for aviation workers on the continent.

The union called it “historic” earlier this week, declaring unpaid work “over”.

But media has reported that many flight attendants, who must still vote to approve the deal, remain dissatisfied. It is unclear if the deal has enough support to pass, Reuters reported.

1:10Watch: ‘We do support what the flight attendants are trying to achieve’ – Air Canada passengers react to strike

Air Canada flight attendants were not alone in not being paid for what the industry calls “ground work”.

Cabin crew for other Canadian airlines Air Transat and WestJet do not have ground pay as part of their compensation structure. Neither do flight attendants at US-based United Airlines, though contract negotiations are currently ongoing.

John Gradek, a business professor and aviation management expert at McGill University in Montreal, said that introducing ground pay for Air Canada workers could trigger a “tsunami” that would soon sweep all major airlines in North America.

For decades, the practice was justified on the basis that it is easier to track hours of when a plane leaves the gate and lands, he said. It is more difficult to include boarding time, which can vary depending on delays and the number of passengers.

To mitigate this, airlines bumped up the hourly pay of cabin crew, though many argue the total wages are still low, especially for those living in major, often expensive, North American cities.

Air Canada has said that half of its “mainline flight attendants” earned more than C$54,000 ($39,000; £29,000) last year, with some of the more senior staff earning more than C$70,000.

The figures were slightly different for Air Canada Rouge, the carrier’s discount wing.

One long-time Air Canada flight attendant, Leslie Woolaver, told local news outlet the Halifax Examiner that she estimated she did about 40 hours of unpaid work a month.

That figure is similar to what was reported by nearly 10,000 flight attendants in a survey done by Cupe in late December 2022. At the time, Wesley Lesosky, president of the union’s airline division, called unpaid work “a dirty secret in this industry”.

Junior flight attendants are most affected, Ms Woolaver told the Halifax Examiner, as they tend to work shorter flights.

Getty Images A close-up photo showing a Delta Airlines plane landing on a tarmac in Arlington, Virginia.
US-based Delta Airlines became the first in 2022 to pay flight attendants for ground work in North America.

Changes in the air, and on the ground

Attitudes towards ground pay began to shift after the Covid-19 pandemic, which brought in new rules around masking on planes and greatly altered how cabin crew prepare a plane for take off.

Steven Tufts, a professor and labour expert at York University in Toronto, said this “increased complexity of boarding passengers put a lot of pressure on flight attendants” and forced them to work even more unpaid hours.

“Eventually they said: ‘No. This has to change,'” he said.

Delta Airlines led the charge in 2022 when it became the first in North America to offer cabin crew pay for work they did on the ground. American Airlines and Alaska Airlines quickly followed.

After the tentative agreement with Air Canada was reached, the airline’s chief operations officer Mark Nasr told the CBC that the carrier cabin crew will now receive “industry leading compensation”.

“Ground pay is settled. Our flight attendants will be paid for time on the ground.”

But the future of the deal remains unclear.

On Friday, Reuters spoke with several airline workers who remained unhappy with the proposed deal, specifically citing ground pay and how it impacts wages for entry-level workers.

Mr Lesosky told the outlet that further strikes would be illegal, and that wage disputes would likely be resolved at arbitration while the other parts of the agreement moved forward.

Regardless of the outcome, some form of ground pay is likely to stay.

With Air Canada – the largest airline in Canada – now hopping on board, industry watchers say a new precedent is being set for the global airline industry.

Both Air Transat and WestJet have contract negotiations coming up. Prof Gradek said he believes ground pay will be an easy win for them, as they will want to keep their wages competitive.

More broadly, the gains secured as a result of the Air Canada strike have also been hailed as a turning point for labour rights in Canada because of the union’s refusal to comply with a back-to-work order.

The federal government invoked Section 107 of the Canada Labour Code, which has been used in recent years to end job actions and force binding arbitration.

This time, public sympathy was largely on the side of the striking workers due to the focus on unpaid labour, Prof Gradek said.

“This was a master class of negotiation by the union,” he said.

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After Iran, Is Turkey Israel’s Next Target?

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Israel’s rising confrontation with Turkey has opened a disturbing new chapter in Middle Eastern geopolitics. After its war with Iran and its continuing campaigns against Hezbollah and other regional actors, Israel now appears to be widening its strategic lens toward Ankara. Former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett’s warning that “Turkey is the new Iran” was not an isolated slogan; it reflected a growing Israeli security debate that increasingly views Turkey, Qatar, Syria, Hamas, and even Pakistan-linked regional alignments as part of a new strategic challenge to Israeli supremacy.
This raises a central question: how can a tiny state, with a population smaller than many regional cities, speak with such confidence about confronting Iran, Turkey, and even Pakistan? The answer is not conventional military size alone. Israel’s confidence rests on four pillars: its advanced air force, elite intelligence network, U.S. strategic backing, and, above all, its undeclared nuclear arsenal. Together, these have created a state mentality in which Israel does not merely seek security; it seeks regional dominance.
Turkey is not Iran, Lebanon, Gaza, or Syria. It is a major NATO power with a large population, deep military traditions, a growing defense industry, advanced drones, naval reach, missile development, and strategic depth. In any conventional comparison, Turkey is not an easy target. Its manpower, geography, industrial base, and NATO membership make a direct Israeli attempt to “destroy” or subjugate Turkey almost impossible. Turkey has no shared border with Israel, and any major war would require complex operations through Syria, the Mediterranean, or proxy corridors. This is not a battlefield where Israel can easily repeat its air campaigns against weaker or fragmented enemies.
Yet Israel’s confidence comes from a different calculation. It knows that conventional imbalance can be overturned by nuclear deterrence. Israel’s undeclared nuclear capability is the hidden card behind its regional posture. Even if Turkey is stronger in manpower, tanks, drones, ships, and strategic depth, Israel’s nuclear ambiguity gives it a psychological edge. It tells every regional rival: you may hurt Israel, but you cannot safely push Israel to existential panic. This is the dangerous “madness card” — the belief that if Israel feels cornered, it may escalate beyond normal rules.
This creates a frightening asymmetry. Turkey may dominate a conventional confrontation, but Israel may believe that nuclear shadow power gives it the final word. That is why the Turkey-Israel rivalry cannot be judged only by aircraft, tanks, or soldiers. It must be judged by escalation control. Turkey can defeat pressure, but it must avoid giving Israel the pretext to internationalize, nuclearize, or Americanize the conflict.
Many argue that conventional military strength, diplomacy, missile defenses, or asymmetric capabilities can compensate for a nuclear imbalance. Yet the modern strategic record suggests that nuclear weapons remain the ultimate deterrent. Countries that possess a credible nuclear capability are rarely subjected to the kind of existential military pressure faced by states that do not. More importantly, when rival states both possess nuclear weapons, the risk of total war often declines because the consequences become catastrophic for both sides.
The example of India and Pakistan is frequently cited in this context. Before both states became overt nuclear powers, the possibility of large-scale conventional war remained a persistent concern. After nuclearization, despite crises and tensions, leaders on both sides have had to calculate under the shadow of mutually assured destruction. The existence of nuclear weapons has not eliminated conflict, but it has significantly raised the threshold for full-scale war.
A similar argument is made regarding the Korean Peninsula. North Korea’s strategic leverage does not come from economic strength or global influence. Rather, its nuclear capability has created a deterrent that makes direct military action against it far more difficult to contemplate. Whatever one thinks of the regime, its nuclear arsenal has fundamentally altered how other powers approach it.
Viewed through this lens, the debate over Iran becomes even more significant. Supporters of nuclear deterrence argue that if a state lacks a nuclear capability while facing a nuclear-armed adversary, it remains vulnerable to coercion and military pressure. They contend that possession of nuclear weapons by both sides can create a balance that discourages war, whereas a monopoly of nuclear power creates strategic inequality.
For this reason, some analysts believe that the central issue in the Middle East is not simply conventional military superiority but the unequal distribution of nuclear deterrence. As long as one state is widely believed to possess nuclear weapons while its rivals do not, the strategic balance will remain tilted. From this perspective, the debate is less about military hardware and more about whether lasting stability can exist when deterrence is available to some states but denied to others.
Turkey must therefore think carefully about the changing strategic environment around it. The challenge is not merely military competition with Israel but understanding how nuclear deterrence shapes regional behavior, perceptions of risk, and calculations of power. Whether one supports or opposes nuclear proliferation, it is difficult to ignore the argument that nuclear capability has become one of the most powerful guarantees against external coercion in the modern world.
Turkey must read the warning signs carefully. Israel’s strategic culture has shifted from survival to expansion, from deterrence to domination, from defense to preemption. A state that sees itself as divinely entitled to security beyond its borders will always identify new enemies after old ones are weakened. Today Iran is the enemy. Tomorrow Turkey is described as the “new Iran.” After that, Pakistan’s nuclear capability may again be framed as a future threat.
If Israel continues to treat every independent regional power as the next Iran, it may achieve short-term military successes while creating long-term instability across the Middle East. From Ankara’s perspective, the lesson of recent conflicts is that diplomatic appeals, international institutions, and conventional military capabilities alone may not always be viewed as sufficient safeguards against a state that believes it enjoys overwhelming strategic superiority. Turkey’s challenge, therefore, is to develop a level of strategic deterrence—political, economic, technological, military, and diplomatic and nuclear—that convinces any potential adversary that the costs of confrontation would far outweigh any conceivable gains.
History suggests that lasting peace is rarely preserved by goodwill alone; it is preserved when both sides recognize that conflict would be mutually damaging and strategically unwinnable. Only such a credible balance can prevent rivalry from escalating into the next great catastrophe of the Middle East.

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The“Shavat–Dashoguz”border trade zone as a new model of regional economic intergration 

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Dr.Beruniy Alimov, Tashkent, Uzbekistan

The opening of the joint Uzbek-Turkmen border trade zone “Shavat–Dashoguz” has become one of the most important economic and social developments in Central Asia’s border regions in recent years. Located between the Khorezm region of Uzbekistan and the Dashoguz velayat of Turkmenistan, the project symbolizes not only the strengthening of bilateral economic relations but also the revival of historical, cultural, and human connections between two neighboring nations. The initiative reflects the growing strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan and demonstrates how border regions can transform into active centers of regional cooperation, entrepreneurship, and people-to-people diplomacy.

The official launch of the trade zone took place in November 2025 with the participation of the President of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, and the President of Turkmenistan, Serdar Berdimuhamedow. The participation of both leaders underlined the political significance of the initiative and confirmed the intention of both countries to deepen economic collaboration and improve living standards in border territories.

From an economic perspective, the “Shavat–Dashoguz” zone serves as a strategic platform for expanding bilateral trade and increasing regional connectivity. According to the available materials, the complex occupies six hectares, equally divided between the Uzbek and Turkmen sectors. The trade infrastructure includes 112 open trade rows, 28 specialized shops, and an additional 16 retail outlets located in separate blocks. Such large scale infrastructure creates favorable conditions for small and medium-sized enterprises, allowing entrepreneurs to directly access neighboring markets and establish new commercial partnerships.

One of the most innovative features of the trade zone is the implementation of the “single window” system for public services. This mechanism significantly simplifies customs procedures and document processing, reducing bureaucratic barriers for entrepreneurs and visitors. Administrative offices, customs services, quarantine, phytosanitary, and veterinary departments are integrated within one complex, making border trade more efficient and transparent. The presence of banking services, exchange offices, hotels, medical centers, and large parking facilities further improves the operational environment for traders and visitors.

An especially important aspect of the project is the simplified movement regime introduced for citizens of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Residents of both countries can enter the trade zone without obtaining visas, which greatly facilitates mobility and encourages interpersonal communication. This approach transforms the trade zone from a purely economic facility into a social and cultural bridge between neighboring peoples. Experts note that modern border regions increasingly perform not only economic functions but also diplomatic and humanitarian roles, helping to strengthen trust and regional stability.

The local population on both sides of the border has reacted positively to the launch of the project. Residents of the Khorezm region view the trade center as an opportunity to expand entrepreneurship, create jobs, and increase exports. Entrepreneurs emphasize that direct communication with Turkmen partners opens new possibilities for business cooperation and market diversification. Similar sentiments are expressed by residents of Dashoguz velayat, who consider the project a convenient platform for trade, professional networking, and economic exchange.

The border trade zone is also important in terms of regional economic modernization. Contemporary international practice demonstrates that cross-border economic zones often become laboratories for innovation in customs administration, logistics, and regional commerce. The “Shavat–Dashoguz” initiative follows this model by introducing digitalized customs infrastructure and interactive service systems aimed at accelerating business operations. These improvements are particularly relevant in the context of global economic competition, where logistical efficiency and administrative transparency directly influence investment attractiveness.

The project additionally contributes to export diversification. One practical example is the growing export of Khorezm rice to Turkmenistan. Local entrepreneurs note that Turkmenistan has become a promising and logistically convenient market compared to more distant destinations such as Russia or Kazakhstan. Reduced transportation costs and simplified border procedures make regional trade more sustainable and profitable for local producers. This case demonstrates how border trade zones can directly support domestic agricultural and industrial sectors.

Another important development is the opening of a trading platform operated by the Uzbek Republican Commodity Exchange within the border zone. This initiative introduces transparent market mechanisms, reliable payment systems, and competitive pricing models into bilateral trade relations. The use of exchange-based trading can reduce informal economic practices while increasing confidence among entrepreneurs and investors. Moreover, such mechanisms align the project with modern international standards of commercial regulation and financial transparency.

Beyond economics, the “Shavat–Dashoguz” project carries significant symbolic and geopolitical meaning. For centuries, Central Asian societies were historically interconnected through trade routes, cultural exchange, and common traditions. The creation of modern border trade platforms can therefore be interpreted as a continuation of historical regional integration processes adapted to contemporary economic realities. As one analytical text emphasizes, the border bazaar strengthens the “centuries-old friendship” between the two peoples and reflects the strategic vision of both national leaders.

In the broader regional context, the project may also influence future models of cooperation within Central Asia. Over the past decade, regional governments have increasingly prioritized connectivity, transport integration, and economic openness. Successful implementation of the “Shavat–Dashoguz” initiative may encourage similar cross-border projects involving logistics hubs, industrial cooperation zones, and joint tourism initiatives. Such developments could contribute to the gradual formation of a more integrated Central Asian economic space.

At the same time, the long-term effectiveness of the trade zone will depend on several factors. Continuous modernization of infrastructure, maintenance of simplified administrative procedures, and support for local entrepreneurs remain essential. In addition, both governments will need to ensure transparency, security, and sustainable management practices within the zone. Economic integration projects succeed not only through political declarations but also through practical efficiency and the trust of local communities.

In conclusion, the “Shavat–Dashoguz” border trade zone represents far more than a commercial marketplace. It is a strategic economic platform, a symbol of growing Uzbek-Turkmen cooperation, and a practical mechanism for strengthening regional integration. By combining modern infrastructure, simplified trade procedures, and people-centered connectivity, the initiative demonstrates how border regions can evolve into engines of economic growth and diplomatic partnership. If successfully developed in the coming years, the project may become one of the most successful examples of cross-border cooperation in Central Asia and contribute significantly to regional stability, prosperity, and mutual trust.

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Gunfire in Washington Shocks the World

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : When gunfire erupted near the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington on April 25, 2026, President Donald J. Trump, Vice President JD Vance, and other senior officials were swiftly evacuated by the Secret Service. A suspect armed with weapons was apprehended, and an officer narrowly escaped serious injury. The incident, unfolding just outside a gathering meant to celebrate democracy and free speech, sent a chilling signal across the nation and the world.
This was not merely a security scare. It reflected a deeper strain—psychological, political, and strategic—emanating from a war that is no longer confined to the Middle East. At a moment when America was projecting power abroad, it suddenly appeared vulnerable at home. The symbolism was stark: a superpower engaged in high-stakes geopolitical confrontation while facing instability within its own borders.
The timing made the situation even more consequential. Only hours earlier, President Trump had abruptly canceled the planned visit of his top negotiators to Islamabad, effectively derailing a second round of peace talks with Iran before they could begin. Iran’s Foreign Minister had already departed Pakistan, and President Masoud Pezeshkian made it clear in discussions with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif that Tehran would not engage in negotiations under pressure, threats, or blockade. The diplomatic process, already fragile, collapsed under the weight of distrust.
At the heart of this breakdown lies the Strait of Hormuz, one of the most critical energy chokepoints in the world. What appears to be a military standoff is, in reality, a much broader strategic maneuver. The United States is not simply attempting to pressure Iran—it is reshaping global energy flows and redefining economic leverage on a global scale.
By restricting access to this vital waterway, whether directly or indirectly, the United States creates a supply shock in global oil markets. That disruption compels energy-importing nations to seek alternatives, and increasingly, those alternatives are found in American oil and gas. This is not an unintended consequence—it is a structural shift. As traditional supply routes become uncertain, demand for U.S. energy rises, strengthening America’s position as a dominant exporter.
This strategy also reduces reliance on prolonged military engagement. Precision-guided weapons are expensive and often used against targets of relatively low economic value. Instead of relying solely on kinetic warfare, the United States appears to be leveraging economic pressure as a more efficient tool. By controlling access to energy supply chains, it can exert influence over entire economies without the need for sustained battlefield operations.
This leads to a critical observation: the United States currently has little incentive to fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz. As long as the disruption persists, American exports expand, global dependence increases, and strategic leverage grows. The blockade becomes not just a temporary measure, but a sustained instrument of economic and geopolitical influence.
However, this approach is triggering a significant global response.
European leaders such as Emmanuel Macron and Keir Starmer are increasingly advocating for alternative systems that reduce reliance on the United States. There is a growing effort to develop independent financial, trade, and investment mechanisms that can operate outside the influence of U.S. sanctions and economic controls.
This shift is not limited to Europe. Countries across Asia, the Global South, and major economies like China, India, and Brazil are gradually aligning toward a more multipolar system. If these economies—many of which already rival or exceed the United States in combined output—coordinate their efforts, they could form one of the most powerful economic blocs in modern history. Such a coalition would significantly reduce America’s ability to unilaterally influence global markets and political outcomes.
While this emerging alignment is still in its early stages, it is gaining momentum. The more the United States uses military and economic tools to enforce its objectives, the more other nations are incentivized to create parallel systems that bypass its influence. The dominance of the dollar, the reach of sanctions, and the structure of global trade are all being quietly reexamined.
Meanwhile, the Middle East remains highly unstable. In Lebanon, the fragile cease-fire between Israel and Hezbollah continues to hold only on the surface. Israeli strikes ordered by Benjamin Netanyahu and retaliatory attacks by Hezbollah keep the region on edge. The risk of escalation remains constant, and any miscalculation could trigger a broader conflict.
Against this backdrop, the Washington shooting incident takes on a deeper significance. While it may ultimately be determined as an isolated act, it reflects the broader atmosphere of tension and uncertainty. Prolonged conflict, aggressive rhetoric, and global instability can influence domestic environments in unpredictable ways. The line between external الحرب and internal security becomes increasingly blurred.
The events of April 25 are therefore not isolated. They represent interconnected developments in a rapidly changing global order: the collapse of diplomacy in Pakistan, the continued blockade in the Strait of Hormuz, the fragile cease-fire in Lebanon, and a security scare at the heart of American political life.
The world is entering a new phase—one where economic power is weaponized, alliances are shifting, and traditional systems are being challenged. The United States may achieve short-term gains through increased exports and expanded influence, but it also risks accelerating the formation of a counterbalancing global structure.
The choice ahead is critical. A strategy based on pressure and control may deliver immediate results, but it may also erode long-term stability. A more sustainable path would require restoring trust, respecting international norms, and engaging in genuine diplomacy.
If current trends continue, the incident in Washington may be remembered not just as a moment of domestic alarm, but as a symbol of a world in transition—where power is contested, systems are redefined, and the future of global order hangs in the balance.

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