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Trump’s Confrontation to Coexistence with China

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : When Donald Trump reassumed the presidency in January 2025, he came with a determination to reset the United States, to restore what he called its lost glory, and to end the long years of exploitation by allies and adversaries alike. His first and fiercest target was China. Even before his administration had taken shape, when his cabinet was being scrutinized in the Senate and the Congress, it was clear that nearly every appointee, from the national security leadership to the economic team, carried one unifying agenda: to confront China, to cut down its growing influence, and to reclaim for America the leadership of the international order. The early months carried the full weight of this antagonism. Tariffs were slapped on Chinese goods, hawkish statements were made about containing Beijing in the Pacific, and even talk of stopping the flow of Chinese students to American universities was floated. The tone was confrontational, the stance uncompromising, and the ambition was nothing less than to push China back not only from American shores but from Asia, Europe, and beyond.
Yet as the weeks unfolded, a sobering reality dawned on Washington. The United States no longer had the leverage it once commanded. The global order had shifted. China was not a fragile power dependent on American markets and technology; it was a formidable actor that had, over the past decade, consolidated its dominance in manufacturing, technology, and finance. By 2024, China accounted for nearly 31% of global manufacturing output, making it the indispensable workshop of the world. Its grip on rare earth elements was even more decisive, producing nearly 70% and processing about 85% of the world’s supply, the backbone of modern technologies from smartphones and electric vehicles to satellites and fighter jets. To think that tariffs alone could bend such a power was wishful, and it quickly became apparent that the United States was staring at a competitor far too entrenched to be bullied.
Trump’s early declarations that allies like Europe, Canada, and Mexico had been “plundering” the United States found quick results there. NATO states, under American pressure, agreed to hike defense spending from 2% to as high as 5% of GDP, and European negotiators conceded to humiliating trade deals that forced them to buy more American goods while swallowing a 15% tariff on their exports to the U.S. Canada, too, suffered greatly, as disputes over trade, security, and investment battered its economy and its political stability.
In those regions, Trump’s heavy-handed tactics worked because the dependency on the United States remained asymmetric. But with China, the playbook misfired. Beijing did not bend. It retaliated with equal tariffs, diverted exports to Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia, and doubled down on its Belt and Road Initiative, which by 2025 had already drawn in more than 150 countries and over a trillion dollars in investment. Far from retreating, China used America’s confrontation to strengthen its global alternatives.
The attempt to ban Chinese students quickly collapsed as well. In 2024, more than 290,000 Chinese students were enrolled in American universities, contributing over $15 billion annually to tuition and living expenses. When proposals were made to cut them off, university presidents, governors, and state legislators raised the alarm that such a move would devastate higher education budgets and gut critical research programs. By the summer of 2025, Trump reversed course, openly admitting that these students were vital not only for finances but also for America’s scientific and technological advancement. What had been framed as a security threat was rebranded as a necessary lifeline for institutions already struggling with deficits.
On the military front, too, harsh reality intruded. American officials initially talked of quadrupling the U.S. presence in the South China Sea to contain Beijing. But the Pentagon’s own assessments made clear that China now had the largest navy in the world by ship count, and that sustaining such deployments would bleed the U.S. treasury without altering China’s resolve. With a defense budget already at $850 billion in 2024, America faced the prospect of draining itself in a contest it could not decisively win. It was not Beijing that appeared overstretched but Washington, and in the calculus of resources, the United States realized that escalation could only sap its strength.
Even the most powerful weapon in America’s arsenal, the dollar, proved less decisive than hoped. The dollar still made up about 58% of global foreign exchange reserves in 2024, but China and its BRICS partners had been steadily eroding this dominance. By early 2025, nearly a quarter of intra-BRICS trade was being conducted outside of the dollar, through local currency swaps and yuan settlements. At the same time, Beijing reduced its U.S. Treasury holdings to under $775 billion, its lowest in more than a decade, subtly weakening America’s ability to weaponize its debt dependence. The weaponization of finance, so effective against weaker adversaries, had limited effect on a China that had prepared its defenses.
It was on rare earths and supply chains that the hardest lesson was learned. Any disruption from Beijing would paralyze entire sectors of the U.S. economy. Defense contractors building F-35s, tech companies producing semiconductors, automakers racing to transition to EVs—all were dependent on Chinese supply chains. Attempts to reshore production or find alternative suppliers in Africa and Australia were years away from maturity. In the meantime, tariffs and restrictions only drove up prices at home. Walmart, Target, and Home Depot reported that household goods were rising by 10–15%, squeezing American consumers and fueling inflationary pressures. What had been billed as a strategy to punish China threatened to punish the very voters Trump had pledged to protect.
Trump is not a leader who easily admits defeat, but he is a pragmatist when forced by circumstances. Gradually, the rhetoric softened. Where once he threatened to choke off Chinese students, now he welcomed them. Where once he promised to multiply naval deployments, now he quietly acknowledged that China was too big to intimidate. Where once he boasted that tariffs would bring Beijing to its knees, now he conceded in his own words that “both China and the United States hold powerful cards, but I do not want to use these cards anymore.” It was a rare admission of limits, but also a demonstration of flexibility, of learning fast and adjusting course in the face of hard realities.
The implications of this shift are global. For Europe and Canada, the price of submission to American tariffs has been humiliation and economic loss. For developing countries, especially those bound to China through investment and infrastructure like Pakistan, the easing of U.S.-China tensions offers relief, stability, and opportunities. Supply chains can stabilize, inflationary shocks can be tempered, and the specter of a bifurcated technological order can be postponed. The nervousness that gripped global markets in early 2025 may yet give way to a calmer, more predictable environment.
This is not submission by the United States, nor is it triumph for China alone. It is a recognition of a multipolar world, one where interdependence outweighs the fantasies of domination. It is also a testament to Trump’s instinct for survival, his ability to correct course, and his willingness to pivot when faced with the immovable weight of reality. The United States still holds cards—in its consumer market, its technology base, its dollar system, and its alliances. But China holds cards too—in its manufacturing dominance, its rare earths, its investments, and its financial innovation. The test now is not who can outplay the other, but who can recognize that destroying the table destroys the game for all.
The course correction we are witnessing may prove to be one of the most consequential strategic adjustments of Trump’s presidency. It suggests not weakness, but wisdom—the wisdom to see that America cannot remain a hegemon in a world where China has become the indispensable player. In showing flexibility, Trump has revealed that leadership is not only about force but about judgment. He has acknowledged that America’s power, though vast, must coexist with China’s, and that a stable balance is the only path to safeguard prosperity at home and stability abroad. To some, this may feel like compromise. To others, like survival. But history may remember it as something larger: the moment the United States accepted the reality of a multipolar world, and chose coexistence over collision.

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Trump Doles Out Syria’s Golan Heights to Israel

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : During a White House Hanukkah celebration on December 16, 2025, President Donald Trump made a startling declaration about the Golan Heights, openly revisiting his 2019 decision to recognize Israeli sovereignty over territory internationally acknowledged as Syrian land occupied by Israel during the 1967 war. Trump boasted that no previous American president had dared take such a step, portraying his action as bold, swift, and unconstrained by diplomatic caution. He framed the recognition not as a complex legal judgment but as an act of personal resolve, reducing decades of international dispute to a matter he claimed required only minutes to decide.
Trump described the decision making process with casual bravado, saying he asked then United States Ambassador to Israel David Friedman to explain the importance of the Golan Heights in five minutes or less. According to Trump, he interrupted after barely two minutes, declared that he understood everything necessary, and proceeded to approve recognition immediately. He joked that the land was worth trillions of dollars and remarked that he should have asked Israel for something in return. The remarks transformed a grave issue of sovereignty, occupation, and war into an anecdote of impulsive executive authority with profound geopolitical consequences worldwide today.
Trump used the occasion to reaffirm his broader alignment with Israel and the Jewish community, listing what he described as historic achievements of his presidency. He cited moving the United States embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, backing the Abraham Accords, and withdrawing from the Iran nuclear agreement negotiated under President Barack Obama. According to Trump, that deal endangered regional security rather than containing Iran. He framed each policy as evidence of loyalty, friendship, and moral clarity, repeatedly portraying himself as the most reliable ally Israel has ever had in Washington during modern United States political history overall period today.
He also spoke at length about his personal connections with Jewish Americans, recalling childhood interactions through his father and emphasizing long standing familiarity rather than political calculation. He referenced his daughter Ivanka Trump’s conversion to Judaism after marrying Jared Kushner as further proof of closeness, though he avoided addressing persistent rumors about his own religious affiliation. These remarks blended personal narrative with state policy, reinforcing the impression that national decisions affecting millions were shaped through intimacy, sentiment, and loyalty rather than institutional deliberation or international legal frameworks governing norms, accountability, restraint, balance, precedent, credibility, neutrality, consistency, legitimacy, stability, justice globally.
The most revealing segment of Trump’s speech came when he warned that Congress and the Senate were becoming increasingly antisemitic, claiming that traditional pro Israel influence in Washington was fading. He described this shift as dangerous and urged greater vigilance from supporters. The statement was remarkable, amounting to a rare acknowledgment that even within American political institutions discomfort with Israel’s conduct is growing. Yet the warning also functioned as pressure, implying that loyalty to Israel should remain a litmus test for legitimacy within United States politics despite constitutional pluralism, debate, dissent, oversight, accountability, ethics, law, values, representation, balance, restraint, democracy.
Despite Trump’s claims of declining support, Israel continues to enjoy unparalleled diplomatic, military, and financial backing from the United States. Washington has repeatedly used its veto power at the United Nations to shield Israel from accountability, even when resolutions condemning occupation or settlement expansion enjoy overwhelming global support. This posture places the United States above the rules it demands others obey, undermining the credibility of the international system it helped construct. Trump’s rhetoric thus exposed a contradiction between professed grievance and actual power exercised globally, institutionally, strategically, consistently, decisively, coercively, selectively, visibly, persistently, controversially, openly, repeatedly, internationally, historically, forcefully today.
Trump’s conduct cannot be examined in isolation from regional realities. Several Muslim majority states have normalized relations with Israel, expanded trade, and entered energy partnerships even as Gaza suffers devastation. Egypt’s multibillion dollar gas agreements with Israel inject revenue into the Israeli economy during ongoing military campaigns. These arrangements are celebrated publicly, while Palestinian suffering continues largely unchecked. Such actions weaken moral criticism of Washington, revealing a regional order where economic interests and regime security override solidarity with Palestine principles, law, justice, humanity, ethics, responsibility, restraint, accountability, credibility, consistency, conscience, leadership, courage, unity, vision, balance, resolve, purpose, fairness, legitimacy, peace.
Reports of military logistics and arms transfers passing through or involving regional actors have further deepened perceptions of complicity. Whether fully substantiated or not, these allegations reinforce a widespread belief that Palestinian blood is discounted in exchange for alliances and profits. In such a context, outrage directed solely at Trump or the United States appears selective and incomplete. Power is sustained not only by those who wield it, but also by those who enable it through silence, cooperation, and convenience across borders, systems, institutions, markets, governments, cultures, alliances, blocs, regions, conflicts, wars, crises, decades, generations, history, memory, politics, morality globally.
Trump’s long promised Middle East peace initiative has effectively collapsed. The proposed international mechanisms to stabilize Gaza were never implemented, ceasefire enforcement remained absent, and settlement expansion continued unabated. Gaza remains devastated, its civilian population displaced and deprived, while accountability mechanisms remain paralyzed. The peace plan functioned less as a pathway to justice than as a political diversion, shifting attention while irreversible facts were imposed on the ground with minimal resistance from global media, institutions, publics, diplomacy, negotiations, law, norms, enforcement, conscience, outrage, empathy, solidarity, responsibility, leadership, resolve, courage, action, urgency, intervention, accountability, fairness, balance, restraint, morality, humanity, peace, justice.
In this light, Trump’s Hanukkah speech read less as celebration than confession. It revealed a worldview where power overrides principle, alliances eclipse law, and suffering becomes collateral. It also exposed the shared responsibility of Western governments and Muslim states that have tolerated, financed, or normalized this order. Condemning Trump alone is therefore insufficient. He acted openly, but he was enabled by a broader system unwilling to enforce its own rules or defend a truly universal standard of justice grounded in law, equality, sovereignty, dignity, humanity, restraint, accountability, consistency, legitimacy, balance, peace, order, ethics, norms, responsibility, credibility, fairness, stability, conscience globally.
If peace and justice are to mean anything, the Muslim world must confront its own contradictions. It cannot decry occupation while financing its beneficiary, nor invoke international law selectively. Trump’s words should be read as a mirror, reflecting the erosion of norms and collective failure to resist it. Until regional actors withdraw complicity and demand accountability consistently, Palestine will remain abandoned, international law weakened, and power unrestrained. Moral authority cannot be outsourced; it must be practiced through courage, sacrifice, and principled consistency rooted in justice, dignity, humanity, solidarity, responsibility, leadership, restraint, ethics, law, balance, fairness, credibility, legitimacy, peace, stability universally.

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Trump’s Naval Gamble on Venezuela

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Gunboats, Oil, and the Illusion of Control: Why Trump’s Naval Embargo on Venezuela Risks Repeating History
President Donald Trump’s decision to impose a naval embargo on sanctioned Venezuelan oil tankers marks one of the most dramatic escalations in U.S.–Latin America relations in decades. Framed as a national-security response to drug trafficking—after the administration classified fentanyl and its precursors as “weapons of mass destruction” through an executive order—the move signals a fundamental shift: from counter-narcotics cooperation to maritime coercion. While officially described as a limited action targeting sanctioned vessels, the practical effect resembles a partial blockade, carrying economic, geopolitical, and humanitarian consequences far beyond its stated purpose.
Had the United States extended this naval action to all Venezuelan shipping, it would have amounted to a de facto declaration of war. Even in its current form, the message is unmistakable: Washington is prepared to use sea power to choke Venezuela’s primary economic lifeline—oil exports—under the banner of law enforcement. Caracas, unsurprisingly, responded by ordering its navy to escort oil tankers through territorial and international waters, asserting sovereignty through symbolism rather than strength. The imbalance is stark. Venezuela’s modest naval capabilities—largely coastal patrol vessels and a handful of aging combatants—cannot be meaningfully compared to the global reach of the U.S. Navy, with its aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, destroyers, and unmatched logistical infrastructure. The escort order is not about deterrence; it is about dignity and survival.
The real battlefield, however, is not the Caribbean Sea but the global energy market. In late 2025, Venezuela was exporting roughly 900,000 barrels of oil per day—its highest level in years after partial sanctions relief and creative logistics. Around 70 to 80 percent of this oil moved through a shadow fleet: aging tankers, opaque ownership structures, ship-to-ship transfers, and insurance arrangements designed to bypass sanctions. U.S. enforcement has now focused precisely on this network. More than 30 tankers operating around Venezuelan waters are already sanctioned, and the fear of seizure has caused many loaded vessels to remain anchored, unable—or unwilling—to sail.
This paralysis matters. If even two-thirds of Venezuela’s exports are disrupted, roughly 600,000 barrels per day could be removed from the global market. On paper, that represents less than one percent of global supply. In reality, oil prices are driven not by averages but by expectations and risk premiums. Markets respond sharply to uncertainty, especially when shipping routes become contested. Even modest disruptions can trigger disproportionate price movements, particularly for vulnerable import-dependent economies. A sustained squeeze could force Venezuela to shut in production due to storage constraints, turning a logistical problem into a structural collapse.
The consequences would not stop at oil prices. Venezuela’s economy remains overwhelmingly dependent on crude exports. Further strangulation of this sector would reduce state revenues, weaken the currency, worsen inflation, and deepen shortages of food and medicine. The burden would fall not on political elites but on ordinary citizens already exhausted by years of crisis. And history offers a grim forecast: economic collapse fuels migration. Venezuela has already produced one of the largest displacement crises in modern history, with nearly eight million people leaving the country over the past decade. Another severe shock could push hundreds of thousands more onto regional migration routes—first into neighboring states, then northward toward the United States.
Ironically, the very policy justified as a defense of American security may intensify pressures on U.S. borders. Colombia, already hosting millions of Venezuelan migrants, lacks the capacity to absorb another wave without destabilization. Other regional economies, strained by inflation and debt, would struggle as well. Migration does not occur in isolation; it cascades. When one country collapses, the shock ripples across continents.
Geopolitically, the naval embargo also accelerates Venezuela’s alignment with U.S. rivals. Russia and China have already condemned the move, framing it as a violation of sovereignty and maritime norms. While neither is likely to engage militarily, diplomatic, financial, and logistical support to Caracas could deepen, transforming Venezuela into another node in a growing network of states resisting U.S. pressure. Even traditional U.S. partners are uneasy. Canada and several Latin American countries, themselves affected by trade disputes and tariffs, see the normalization of gunboat diplomacy as a dangerous precedent. Rather than strengthening alliances, Washington risks reinforcing the perception that it creates more enemies than partners.
This raises a fundamental question: does maritime coercion actually reduce drug trafficking into the United States? Evidence suggests otherwise. The narcotics trade is demand-driven. As long as millions of Americans consume cocaine, fentanyl, and other drugs, suppliers will find routes—by sea, land, air, or digital networks. Interdiction may raise prices temporarily, but it rarely eliminates supply. Instead, it increases profitability, incentivizing smugglers to innovate and diversify. Destroy one corridor, and another emerges.
The United States has alternatives—more effective, less destructive, and more humane. The first is demand reduction. Large-scale investment in prevention, education, and treatment can shrink the market that fuels trafficking. Decades of research show that rehabilitation and public-health approaches are more cost-effective in reducing drug use than interdiction alone. Recent declines in overdose deaths, though fragile, demonstrate that progress is possible without militarization.
The second option is dismantling domestic trafficking infrastructure. Drugs do not distribute themselves. They rely on financial networks, logistics hubs, corrupt intermediaries, and money-laundering systems operating within U.S. borders. Aggressive enforcement against these networks—combined with financial transparency and asset seizures—would strike at the heart of the trade without destabilizing foreign societies.
The third is smarter border security integrated with humanitarian policy. Borders can be controlled without turning neighboring countries into failed states. Technology, intelligence sharing, and legal migration pathways reduce chaos far more effectively than economic strangulation abroad.
By contrast, collapsing Venezuela’s economy would likely increase, not decrease, drug flows over time. Unemployment and desperation are fertile ground for illicit activity. When formal economies implode, informal and criminal ones expand. Smuggling becomes not just profitable but necessary for survival. The result is a vicious cycle: sanctions breed collapse, collapse breeds crime, crime justifies further sanctions.
At its core, the naval embargo reflects an old reflex dressed in new language. The rhetoric has changed—from communism to drugs, from ideology to security—but the method remains coercion. History warns where this path leads. Iraq was once sanctioned into ruin in the name of global safety; the outcome was regional instability, humanitarian catastrophe, and long-term insecurity.
Sovereignty is not a privilege reserved for powerful states. Small and weak nations possess it as well, along with the right to economic survival. Using drug smuggling as a pretext to weaponize hunger, unemployment, and migration risks undermining the very international order the United States claims to defend.
If Washington’s objective is fewer drugs, fewer refugees, and a safer hemisphere, it must look inward as much as outward. Gunboats can seize tankers, but they cannot cure addiction. Blockades can choke economies, but they cannot build stability. Real security lies not in dominating seas, but in addressing the human systems—demand, inequality, governance—that drive crisis in the first place.
The choice before the United States is not between strength and weakness, but between wisdom and repetition. History is watching.

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China Poised to Outpace the USA in the AI Race

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : In a recent interview, a senior NVIDIA executive offered perhaps the most candid assessment yet of the global AI race, admitting openly that China is going full throttle across the entire AI ecosystem and will soon surpass the United States in building and deploying advanced AI platforms. According to him, AI is not a single monolithic technology; it is a vertical stack of more than five layers, stretching from the bottom layer of raw energy to the very top layer of applications. And across this entire stack, China is now moving with a speed, scale, and national purpose unmatched by any other country.
He began with the foundational fact that AI is ultimately an energy-hungry technology. Training frontier models requires immense electricity — entire power stations dedicated to data centers — and here the gap is stunning. China today generates over 9,600 terawatt-hours of electricity annually, nearly double the roughly 4,800 terawatt-hours produced in the United States.
Massive hydropower, coal, solar, and wind installations continuously expand China’s energy base, giving it the ability to power tens of thousands of new data centers and fabrication plants. Without this energy, nothing else in the AI stack functions. The United States, he warned, simply does not have enough electricity to reindustrialize, reshore manufacturing, or scale AI at the level required to maintain global leadership. Even if America decided today to double its energy output, it would take five to ten years to build the necessary power infrastructure.
The second structural difference is speed. In the U.S., constructing a semiconductor manufacturing facility can take three years or more because of permitting, regulation, zoning, and litigation. In China, the same facility can be erected in a matter of months, sometimes weeks, because the national system aligns government, regulation, industry, and capital around a single purpose: build fast, build big, and build continuously. This difference in time — not technology — is the decisive strategic advantage. Every month lost is a compounding delay. Every month gained is a compounding lead.
He further explained that semiconductors are the backbone of the AI chain, and here again the numbers speak for themselves. China has been expanding its semiconductor manufacturing capacity at an annual rate approaching 30–40 percent, with some categories even doubling year over year, particularly in mature nodes below 14nm. The United States and Europe, by contrast, expand capacity by barely 10–20 percent annually. If this trend continues, China’s domestic production will increasingly cover its own AI needs, reducing dependence on imported chips and eventually surpassing rivals in total volume. The idea that China would always lag in semiconductors is collapsing under the weight of its own accelerated progress.
Then comes the higher layer of the AI stack: the models, platforms, and applications that convert computation into economic value. Here the cultural and institutional differences are profound. In China, almost every major AI model is open source, from Baidu’s ERNIE to Alibaba’s Qwen to models emerging from startups like Zhipu and 01.AI. Tens of thousands of researchers, students, surgeons, engineers, and small businesses use these models freely, improving productivity and innovation across society. China is not earning money from these open models; instead, it is earning capability, scale, and national momentum. Open-source AI becomes a nationwide accelerator that multiplies learning, experimentation, and economic output.
In the United States, by contrast, almost all frontier models are closed and commercial. They are powerful, but they are fenced behind subscriptions, APIs, restrictions, and corporate ownership. This produces revenue, not widespread capability. The NVIDIA executive made a critical point: China is not monetizing AI at the application level; it is weaponizing openness to democratize AI across its entire population. This is why Chinese AI applications are spreading faster than American ones — because the barriers to entry are near zero.
He also offered a striking cultural insight. When surveyed, nearly 80 percent of Chinese citizens view AI as a positive force for society. In the United States, the sentiment is almost the reverse — roughly 20 percent view AI positively while 80 percent express fear, distrust, or resentment. Innovation cannot thrive in a cultural climate of suspicion. China has fused optimism, national pride, and collective ambition into its AI mission. The U.S. has not.
One example he gave was Huawei, now emerging as one of the fastest-growing AI companies despite American sanctions. The company builds chips, models, cloud platforms, and 5G systems simultaneously and is advancing at a speed that even American executives privately acknowledge with respect. When the U.S. president asked him for recommendations on how to reindustrialize America, he replied that the first requirement is not money or technology but energy — without doubling America’s energy output, no amount of reshoring will succeed. AI factories, semiconductor fabs, and advanced manufacturing all require stable, abundant, and cheap electricity. China has it. The United States does not.
He also warned that the U.S. system, while superior in pure innovation and scientific breakthroughs, is deeply constrained by regulation, litigation, and slow infrastructure development. China, meanwhile, has government coordination, manufacturing speed, infrastructure readiness, and cultural enthusiasm. As a result, the remaining AI gap between China and the United States is now as small as six months — and shrinking.
Behind these observations lies a broader truth: China is building the full AI stack. Energy, infrastructure, semiconductors, compute clusters, models, applications, and societal adoption. Every layer reinforces the others. The United States excels in some layers, particularly research and frontier architecture design, but lags in foundational layers like energy, manufacturing, and large-scale deployment. Without rebuilding the bottom of the stack, America cannot maintain leadership at the top of the stack.
Yet he was not pessimistic about America. He emphasized that the United States is a nation of extraordinary people, extraordinary innovators, extraordinary scientists, and extraordinary entrepreneurs. If the country decides to renew itself — doubling energy capacity, rebuilding industrial infrastructure, streamlining regulations, enabling faster construction, and fostering a cultural shift that welcomes AI rather than fears it — then the United States can still compete with China, perhaps even share global leadership. But without such a national transformation, the momentum is clearly with Beijing.
The verdict from within America’s own technology leadership is unmistakable. China is not catching up; China is accelerating past. It is building more, deploying more, training more, and opening more. It has the energy, the infrastructure, the manpower, the optimism, the manufacturing base, and the national will to dominate the AI century. If trends continue, then sooner rather than later, China will indeed be number one in the AI business — and the world will be shaped by the platforms it builds.

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