American News
Trump’s “Board of Peace” or a New Global Order?
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : When U.S. President Donald Trump introduced the “Board of Peace,” it was presented not merely as a response to the war in Gaza, but as the foundation of a broader international mechanism for managing conflict and reconstruction across the world. Official charter documents describe a dual mandate: an immediate role in stabilizing Gaza through humanitarian coordination, institutional rebuilding, and transitional security oversight, and a longer-term ambition to evolve into a standing platform capable of engaging future post-conflict environments beyond the Middle East. This framing, reinforced by policy statements and diplomatic briefings, has placed the board at the center of a debate that extends far beyond one devastated territory.
The legal and institutional anchor for the board’s Gaza mission is a United Nations Security Council resolution adopted in November, which welcomed the initiative as a transitional administration through 2027. That resolution authorized the deployment of a temporary International Stabilization Force, required regular reporting to the Council, and framed the board’s role as preparatory to the return of authority to a reformed Palestinian administration. Yet the board’s own charter language leaves open the possibility of expansion into other conflicts, effectively positioning Gaza as the first test case for a wider experiment in global peace governance.
The structure of the board reflects this ambition. The U.S. president serves as the inaugural chair, supported by a founding Executive Board and a professional secretariat responsible for policy coordination and field operations. Membership is divided into two categories. Ordinary members are appointed for renewable three-year terms and are expected to contribute diplomatic, technical, and administrative expertise to the board’s active missions. Permanent members, by contrast, secure an open-ended seat by making a substantial financial contribution, reported as up to one billion dollars, to support the institution’s long-term activities. In return, they gain a role in shaping leadership selection, budget priorities, procedural rules, and decisions about whether and where the board will operate in the future.
Supporters of this design argue that it addresses a chronic weakness in international peace efforts: the lack of predictable funding and sustained political attention. Large, upfront contributions are intended to guarantee the continuity of a professional secretariat, enable rapid deployment in emerging crises, and reduce reliance on voluntary pledges that can be delayed or withdrawn as domestic politics shift. Permanent members, having invested heavily, are expected to remain engaged over the long term, providing oversight and strategic direction.
Critics, however, see a fundamental problem in tying influence to financial capacity. From a justice-based perspective, peace is not a commodity to be purchased. The most meaningful contributions, they argue, come in the form of political risk, diplomatic labor, and technical expertise, not just capital. Governments that mediate between hostile parties, deploy engineers and administrators to fragile environments, or absorb domestic backlash for controversial peace initiatives bear costs that are not measured in dollars. To ask them to pay for the privilege of participation appears to invert the moral logic of postwar reconstruction.
An alternative vision has emerged in response: a global reconstruction fund that separates financial contributions from governance. Under this model, governments, development banks, private institutions, and civil society would contribute according to their capacity, while decision-making would be based on expertise, neutrality, and regional legitimacy rather than financial thresholds. Advocates argue that this approach broadens the funding base, enhances moral authority, and reduces perceptions of exclusivity. The tradeoff is predictability. Voluntary funds are vulnerable to donor fatigue and political conditions, and without guaranteed capital, reconstruction efforts can stall and accountability can become diffuse.
Participation in the board has been broad but uneven. Official briefings indicate that roughly 35 of the approximately 50 invited governments have committed so far. The list includes Middle Eastern states such as Israel, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, and Egypt; NATO members Turkey and Hungary; and countries across multiple regions, including Morocco, Pakistan, Indonesia, Kosovo, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Paraguay, Vietnam, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. Belarus’s acceptance has drawn particular attention, given its strained relations with Western governments and its political alignment with Moscow.
Several close U.S. allies have declined or hesitated. Norway and Sweden have refused. France has indicated it will not participate, citing constitutional and institutional concerns. Canada has agreed in principle but is seeking clarification. Britain, Germany, and Japan have not taken definitive public positions. Ukraine has acknowledged the invitation while expressing unease about sharing a forum with Russia. Russia and China, both permanent members of the UN Security Council, have not committed, reflecting caution toward initiatives that could be seen as diluting the UN’s central role in global conflict resolution.
For the states that have joined, participation carries implications at home and abroad. In Israel, the prospect of a multilateral board shaping Gaza’s transition and potentially influencing security arrangements has sparked intense political debate. Some lawmakers and coalition partners view external oversight as a constraint on Israel’s freedom of action, particularly on sensitive issues such as border control and any future discussion of disarming Hamas. Others see international involvement as a way to share responsibility for Gaza’s future rather than leaving Israel isolated with the burden of governance and reconstruction.
In Iran, the board is widely interpreted through the lens of strategic rivalry with Washington. Political figures and media outlets have portrayed it as an extension of U.S. influence rather than a neutral peace mechanism, warning that participation by regional states could be read as endorsement of an American-led security architecture. This perception matters for governments in the Gulf and beyond that must balance relations with both Washington and Tehran.
One of the most sensitive issues surrounding the board’s Gaza mandate is the question of disarmament, particularly with regard to Hamas. Official frameworks emphasize stabilization and the return of governance to a reformed Palestinian authority, but they are less explicit about how armed groups would be neutralized. The reality that even the combined military and intelligence capabilities of the United States and Israel have not eliminated Hamas’s operational capacity has fueled skepticism that a multilateral board, however well-funded, could succeed where sustained kinetic campaigns have not. For member states, association with any enforcement or inspection role carries the risk of domestic backlash and regional pressure.
All of this unfolds against the backdrop of a multipolar international system. China’s emphasis on non-interference and development-led stability, the European Union’s focus on legal norms and humanitarian standards, the Global South’s sensitivity to perceived Western dominance, and the United States’ strategic framing of diplomacy shape how the board is perceived. An institution seen as aligned with a single worldview risks becoming a coalition forum rather than a neutral mediator. States that feel excluded or marginalized can respond by strengthening parallel mechanisms, from regional organizations to alternative development banks, producing a fragmented peace architecture rather than a unified one.
Formally, the Board of Peace does not replace the United Nations. It lacks treaty-based authority to issue binding resolutions or to authorize force beyond what the Security Council permits. Its influence is practical rather than juridical, flowing from its ability to coordinate funds, support transitional administrations, and shape policy frameworks through diplomacy and expertise. Yet practical influence can shift the balance of global governance if major donors and diplomatic energy flow through a selective forum rather than the UN’s universal framework. The tension is between efficiency and legitimacy, between the speed of smaller, well-funded bodies and the broad acceptance conferred by universal institutions.
Whether the board will collapse or endure is likely to depend on how it navigates this tension. Without sustained participation from all major power centers, it may find its role narrowed to technical coordination and reconstruction rather than political settlement in the world’s most contentious conflicts. A hybrid approach, pairing a transparent, multi-donor reconstruction fund with a rotating and inclusive governance structure while recognizing major contributors without granting permanent political control, offers a possible path toward balance.
The Board of Peace now stands as a test of how global governance adapts to a changing balance of power. Its legacy will not be measured only by what it achieves in Gaza, but by whether it can persuade a divided world that peace can be pursued with both effectiveness and legitimacy, rooted in cooperation rather than ownership, and in shared authority rather than exclusive influence.
American News
Trump’s Shadow War Against China
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : In a world increasingly defined by polarized narratives, few leaders evoke as intense a spectrum of reactions as Donald Trump. Critics across global media and political corridors have not hesitated to label his actions as reckless, impulsive, or even dangerous—particularly in the context of escalating tensions in the Middle East. Yet, beneath the surface of this widespread criticism lies an alternative interpretation: that what appears chaotic may, in fact, be a calculated and deeply strategic attempt to reorder global power dynamics, particularly through control of energy resources.
At the heart of this perspective is the doctrine of “America First,” a policy framework that prioritizes U.S. economic and strategic supremacy above all else. Rather than viewing recent geopolitical developments as isolated events, this lens interprets them as interconnected steps in a broader strategy aimed at securing long-term dominance—especially over emerging rivals like China.
During his political rise, Trump repeatedly identified China as America’s foremost strategic competitor. This assessment was not merely rhetorical. China’s rapid economic expansion, its integration with over 140 countries through the Belt and Road Initiative, and its dominance in critical sectors such as rare earth minerals positioned it as a formidable challenger to U.S. global influence. Any serious attempt to counterbalance China, therefore, required not just military strength, but economic leverage of equal or greater magnitude.
Energy, particularly oil and gas, emerged as the most potent instrument in this strategic contest. The United States, already endowed with significant natural resources, dramatically expanded its production capacity under the “drill, baby, drill” policy ethos. Advances in shale extraction and aggressive domestic production turned the U.S. into one of the world’s leading energy producers, rivaling traditional giants like Saudi Arabia and Iran. This surge was not merely about self-sufficiency; it was about positioning the U.S. as a dominant global supplier.
Simultaneously, attention turned toward other major energy reserves—most notably Venezuela, home to some of the largest proven oil reserves in the world. Through a combination of political pressure, sanctions, and strategic interventions, the U.S. effectively reduced Venezuela’s ability to operate independently in global oil markets, thereby limiting alternative supply channels—particularly those accessible to China.
The next phase of this strategy unfolded in the Middle East, a region that has long served as the backbone of global energy supply. Tensions surrounding Iran’s nuclear program—whether viewed as legitimate concerns or strategic pretexts—provided the context for heightened military engagement. In this interpretation, the objective was not solely to neutralize nuclear threats or enforce regime change, but to influence a far more critical variable: the flow of oil through the Strait of Hormuz.
The Strait of Hormuz is one of the world’s most vital chokepoints, through which nearly a fifth of global oil supply passes. Any disruption in this narrow passage sends shockwaves across international markets. By escalating tensions and contributing to instability in the region, the United States effectively created conditions under which oil flows could be restricted, redirected, or controlled.
When regional production facilities were damaged and shipping routes became uncertain, global economies—especially those heavily dependent on imported energy—were forced into a state of urgency. In such a scenario, the United States positioned itself as the most reliable alternative supplier. Reports of large numbers of oil tankers heading toward U.S. ports underscore this shift, reflecting a reorientation of global supply chains.
This redirection of energy flows carries profound implications. Countries that once relied on Middle Eastern oil—many of them key partners of China—are now increasingly dependent on American exports. In effect, energy dependency is being recalibrated, transferring leverage from traditional producers and transit routes to a new central hub: the United States.
For China, this development poses a strategic dilemma. As one of the world’s largest energy consumers, China’s economic engine depends on stable and affordable access to oil. Historically, it has diversified its sources, importing from Iran, Venezuela, and Russia. However, sanctions, geopolitical tensions, and disruptions in shipping routes have significantly constrained these options. If access to these supplies is reduced or eliminated, China faces the prospect of turning—directly or indirectly—to the United States to meet its energy needs.
This dynamic mirrors an existing asymmetry: the global dependence on China for rare earth minerals, which are essential for advanced technologies. By establishing a parallel dependency in energy, the United States potentially creates a counterbalance—an economic lever that can influence even the most powerful economies.
The strategic vision does not end there. Additional proposals, such as pipeline networks connecting Middle Eastern oil fields to Israeli ports and onward to global markets, suggest efforts to create alternative routes that bypass traditional chokepoints while maintaining U.S.-aligned control. Such infrastructure would further consolidate influence over energy distribution, extending beyond 40% toward potentially 60% of global oil flows.
Critics argue that such strategies come at an immense cost: regional instability, economic volatility, and human suffering. The disruption of global trade routes, spikes in energy prices, and the threat of prolonged conflict have placed enormous strain on economies worldwide. Journalists and analysts, often operating far from the realities of decision-making at the highest levels, highlight these consequences and question the rationale behind such policies.
However, supporters of this strategic interpretation contend that leadership at this level requires decisions that transcend immediate perceptions. They argue that the complexities of global power competition demand unconventional approaches—moves that may appear disruptive in the short term but aim to secure long-term advantages.
From this perspective, labeling Trump as irrational or incompetent oversimplifies a far more intricate picture. His background as a businessman—someone who built a vast enterprise and navigated complex negotiations—suggests a familiarity with leverage, risk, and long-term positioning. Whether one agrees with his methods or not, the outcomes of these strategies—particularly in energy markets—indicate a deliberate attempt to reshape global dependencies.
Ultimately, the unfolding scenario represents a broader shift in how power is exercised in the modern world. Military actions, economic policies, and geopolitical maneuvers are increasingly intertwined, forming a cohesive strategy where energy becomes both a tool and a target. The intersection of war and economics, once considered distinct domains, is now central to the pursuit of global influence.
As the world watches these developments, the debate is unlikely to settle into a single narrative. Some will continue to see chaos and recklessness; others will perceive calculated strategy and bold leadership. What remains clear is that the stakes are extraordinarily high—not just for the United States or China, but for the global system as a whole.
In this evolving landscape, one question persists: is the current trajectory a path toward renewed dominance, or a gamble that could redefine the balance of power in unpredictable ways?
American News
How the Iran War Supercharged U.S. Oil and Gas Exports
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The Iran war of April 2026 did not merely disrupt global energy markets—it reengineered them to the strategic and economic advantage of the United States, delivering an unprecedented windfall. Within weeks, U.S. oil and gas exports doubled and, in key regions, even tripled, transforming America into the world’s dominant emergency supplier. This surge was not accidental. As tensions escalated around the Strait of Hormuz, the United States ensured that instability persisted at this critical chokepoint—effectively keeping Middle Eastern oil locked or uncertain while positioning itself as the safest and most reliable alternative. When signals briefly emerged that the waterway might reopen, renewed pressure and military posturing quickly reversed that possibility. The result was a dramatic rerouting of global energy flows: empty tankers originally destined for the Gulf began arriving in U.S. ports, where they were filled with American crude and LNG. What could have been a temporary supply disruption was thus converted into a systemic shift in global energy dependence—firmly anchored in favor of the United States.
As the war intensified, the world’s energy architecture—already fragile from years of geopolitical tension—was shaken to its core. At the center of this upheaval stood the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime corridor through which nearly one-fifth of global oil supply flows. Any disruption here has immediate global consequences, and this time was no different. However, what made this crisis unique was not just the disruption—but who capitalized on it most effectively.
The disruption of Middle Eastern energy supplies was the first decisive factor. Iran’s exports, estimated between 1.5 and 2 million barrels per day, were effectively choked off due to blockades, sanctions, and war-related damage. Simultaneously, Gulf producers such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE faced severe logistical constraints. Tankers hesitated to enter high-risk waters, insurance costs surged, and shipping routes became unpredictable. Even where production remained intact, transportation became the real bottleneck. The outcome was a sudden and massive energy vacuum across Asia and Europe.
Into this vacuum stepped the United States—not merely as a participant but as the primary beneficiary of a strategically engineered supply shift. U.S. crude exports surged to nearly 5.4 million barrels per day, while total petroleum exports exceeded 12 million barrels daily. American Gulf Coast ports witnessed unprecedented activity, with waves of empty supertankers arriving from Europe and Asia, ready to be loaded. This was not organic market adjustment alone—it was a direct consequence of disrupted Middle Eastern routes and redirected global demand.
The most dramatic transformation occurred in Asia. Historically dependent on Gulf oil, Asian economies suddenly found their supply chains broken. With Hormuz effectively neutralized or unstable, they turned to the United States as the only viable alternative. Shipments to Asia surged sharply—in some cases tripling within weeks—signaling not just a temporary shift but a long-term reorientation of global energy flows toward North America.
Parallel to crude exports, U.S. liquefied natural gas (LNG) shipments experienced a historic boom. Disruptions in Qatar’s LNG supply further intensified global shortages. Once again, American terminals in Texas and Louisiana filled the gap, operating at full capacity and dispatching record volumes worldwide. In several markets, U.S. LNG exports more than doubled, reinforcing its dominance in both oil and gas sectors simultaneously.
Rising global prices amplified this transformation. As supply tightened, oil prices surged, making U.S. exports highly profitable. American producers, incentivized by higher international prices, redirected output toward export markets. This created a powerful cycle: global disruption increased demand, demand increased prices, and prices fueled further U.S. export expansion.
Government policy played a decisive enabling role. The administration of President Donald J. Trump moved swiftly to remove regulatory barriers, accelerate drilling, and expand export logistics. Emergency measures ensured that infrastructure bottlenecks were minimized and production scaled rapidly. The message was clear: American energy would not only fill the global gap—but dominate it.
Another critical dimension was refining. U.S. Gulf Coast refineries, among the most advanced globally, ramped up production of diesel, jet fuel, and gasoline. As crude exports surged, refined product exports also hit record highs, further strengthening America’s position as a fully integrated energy powerhouse—from extraction to final consumption.
Yet, despite this remarkable surge, limitations persisted. The United States could not fully replace the total lost supply from the Middle East, and global markets remained volatile. Price instability continued, and long-term dependence on a single supplier raised concerns among importing nations. Nevertheless, the strategic advantage gained by the U.S. during this period was undeniable.
In geopolitical terms, the Iran war marked a turning point. It demonstrated that control over chokepoints like Hormuz is no longer just about geography—but about influence and timing. By ensuring prolonged instability in the region and stepping in as the alternative supplier, the United States effectively reshaped global energy dependency.
In conclusion, the Iran war did far more than disrupt energy flows—it redirected them decisively toward the United States. Through a combination of strategic timing, geopolitical leverage, and market readiness, American oil and gas exports surged to unprecedented levels—doubling and even tripling across key markets. The war, while destructive, became a catalyst for consolidating U.S. energy dominance. Whether this dominance endures beyond the conflict remains uncertain, but one reality is clear: in the crucible of war, the United States transformed crisis into unmatched economic and strategic gain.
American News
US–Iran Talks Near Collapse
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The global order is often described as rules-based, yet moments of crisis reveal how unevenly those rules are applied—and how fragile the system becomes when power, rather than consistency, defines legitimacy. The unfolding confrontation between the United States and Iran has brought that contradiction into sharp focus. What is justified as deterrence for some is condemned as provocation for others. That tension, long embedded in geopolitics, is now colliding with economic reality in ways that are shaking the foundations of the global system.
What began as a regional war has evolved into a systemic shock. At the center of this disruption lies the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime corridor through which nearly 20 million barrels of oil pass each day—roughly a quarter of global seaborne supply—along with a critical share of liquefied natural gas. Even partial disruption to this artery has sent tremors across energy markets, tightened supply, and amplified uncertainty worldwide.
The economic consequences are already visible. Oil prices have moved into the $90–$95 per barrel range, placing nearly $2 billion in daily energy flows at risk. Even a temporary interruption translates into tens of billions of dollars in strain; if prolonged, the damage compounds into the hundreds of billions. Analysts warn that a sustained escalation could shave as much as one percentage point from global growth—equivalent to a loss of $1 trillion to $1.8 trillion annually.
Yet energy is only the entry point. The deeper crisis lies in how rapidly disruption spreads through interconnected systems. Asia, the region most dependent on Middle Eastern energy imports, has become the first major zone of impact. Across the Asia-Pacific, economies are experiencing cascading breakdowns—faster and more unpredictable than the shocks seen in previous global crises.
Air travel has been among the earliest casualties. Airlines across Asia are cutting routes as jet fuel prices rise sharply and supply becomes uncertain. Smaller carriers are reducing operations drastically to remain solvent, while larger airlines are recalibrating networks under mounting cost pressure. Passenger flows are weakening, tourism is contracting, and entire service economies—from hotels to transport—are under strain.
The disruption extends into manufacturing, the backbone of Asia’s growth. Energy-intensive industries are scaling back production as fuel and gas supplies tighten. Supply chains are under stress, and shortages of key inputs—from petrochemicals to industrial gases—are beginning to ripple across sectors, from textiles to electronics.
What is emerging is a pattern of cascading scarcity. Petrochemical shortages disrupt plastics and packaging. Fertilizer constraints threaten agricultural output. Transport disruptions increase costs across supply chains. Each bottleneck reinforces the next, creating a cycle that becomes progressively harder to contain.
At the human level, the consequences are severe. The United Nations Development Programme estimates that the Asia-Pacific region could suffer losses between $97 billion and $299 billion, with as many as 8.8 million people at risk of falling into poverty. For millions already living on narrow margins, rising food prices combined with declining incomes are proving destabilizing.
Farmers are leaving crops unharvested because transportation costs exceed returns. Workers are returning to rural areas as factories slow or shut down. Small businesses are struggling to survive as consumer demand weakens. What begins as an energy shock is rapidly transforming into a broader economic and social crisis.
Against this backdrop, diplomacy—centered in Islamabad—remains deeply uncertain. Pakistan has positioned itself as a facilitator for a second round of talks, with preparations reportedly centered around high-security zones in the capital. Yet the diplomatic choreography is already faltering before it fully begins.
On the American side, uncertainty surrounds even the basic question of participation. The expected delegation—linked to senior figures within the administration—has not yet definitively departed the United States. Reports suggest that key officials remain on standby rather than en route, reflecting hesitation and unresolved internal calculations. The absence of a confirmed airborne delegation at this critical moment signals a lack of urgency that is difficult to reconcile with the gravity of the crisis.
On the Iranian side, the position is equally, if not more, guarded. Tehran has conveyed mixed signals—on one hand keeping the diplomatic channel nominally open, and on the other expressing strong reservations over what it views as coercive pressure, including maritime seizures and escalating rhetoric. Indications from Iranian officials suggest that participation in the second round is conditional, uncertain, and potentially subject to withdrawal if the current trajectory continues.
This dual hesitation has created what can only be described as a vacuum of commitment. The talks are planned, the venue is prepared, but the actors themselves appear unconvinced. It is this gap—between planning and participation—that has led many observers to a stark conclusion: the second round risks collapsing before it even formally begins.
Compounding this uncertainty is a strategic narrative emerging from Washington. President Donald Trump has repeatedly framed the disruption in Middle Eastern energy flows not only as a threat but also as an opportunity. He has stated that large numbers of empty oil tankers are moving toward the United States to be filled with American oil and gas, suggesting a redirection of global energy demand. In parallel, U.S. exports have surged, reinforcing the perception that the United States could expand its role as a primary supplier to global markets.
This introduces a complex and troubling dimension. If the crisis is simultaneously viewed as a strategic opening for economic gain, the incentives for rapid de-escalation may weaken. Even the perception of such an alignment between conflict and commercial advantage risks eroding trust and complicating already fragile negotiations.
The risk, therefore, is no longer simply that talks may fail, but that they may never meaningfully commence. Without a credible diplomatic start, escalation becomes the default trajectory. Iran has already signaled that continued pressure could lead to broader retaliation, including potential targeting of regional energy infrastructure. Such actions would dramatically expand the scale of disruption and deepen the global crisis.
Financial markets are already reflecting this uncertainty. Energy stocks have strengthened while broader markets show volatility, capturing the divergence between sectors that benefit from higher prices and those that suffer from instability. Investors are navigating conflicting signals, reinforcing an atmosphere of unpredictability.
This is no longer a localized conflict. It is a multidimensional crisis—spanning energy, trade, finance, and geopolitics. It underscores how deeply the global economy depends on stable flows of energy and goods—and how quickly those flows can be disrupted.
The assumption that major powers can manage conflict without triggering global consequences is being tested in real time. Asia’s experience demonstrates that no region remains insulated. Disruptions propagate through supply chains, financial systems, and societies with remarkable speed.
The coming days will be decisive. If the second round of talks materializes with genuine commitment, it may create a narrow window for de-escalation. But if current signals persist—hesitation, conditionality, and strategic divergence—the talks may collapse before they begin, leaving the world to confront the consequences of renewed escalation.
The broader lesson is unmistakable. Global stability cannot rest on selective principles or assumptions of insulation. It depends on cooperation, consistency, and recognition of shared vulnerability. The forces now in motion—scarcity, uncertainty, and interdependence—are reshaping the global landscape.
At this critical juncture, the world stands between two uncertain paths: a fragile and hesitant diplomacy that may yet falter, or a return to the flames of war with consequences that could reverberate far beyond the immediate conflict.
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