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Myanmar quake: ‘I feel guilty – our people need us the most now’

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The last time Soe Ko Ko Naing saw his great-uncle was in July, at his home by the banks of the Irrawaddy River.

Ko Naing, a supporter of Myanmar’s resistance against the military junta, was about to flee the country. Living in Min Kun, a small town in the military stronghold area of Sagaing, Ko Naing did not trust anyone enough to tell them of his plan – except his beloved Oo Oo (‘uncle’ in Burmese).

“I told him I was going to Thailand. He thought it was a good plan. He wished me good health and safety,” recalled Ko Naing, a 35-year-old labour rights activist.

Nearly a year on, Ko Naing is safe in Thailand. But his Oo Oo was killed by the powerful earthquake that struck Sagaing near Mandalay last Friday, claiming at least 2,000 lives.

“I have sleepless nights. I’m still suffering,” said Ko Naing.

“I have no remorse for leaving the country, because I had to. But I feel guilty because our people need us the most now. I feel helpless.”

Ko Naing is one of the millions of Myanmar’s diaspora anxiously watching from afar as their country struggles following its biggest earthquake in a century.

Like him, many are experiencing survivor’s guilt and a sense of helplessness. For some, these feelings are compounded by the fact that they cannot go back easily to help in rescue efforts or check on relatives, as they would face political persecution.

Thailand hosts the world’s biggest Myanmar diaspora community with about 4.3 million Myanmar nationals, though the figure is thought to be much higher if it includes undocumented migrants.

As a wealthier neighbour, it has long attracted people from Myanmar who make up a large section of its migrant workforce. The 2021 military coup and subsequent civil war have only swelled their ranks.

Some toil in the construction sector – many of the 400 workers at a Bangkok skyscraper that collapsed due to the quake were believed to be from Myanmar – while others work in Thailand’s agriculture and seafood industries.

On a drizzly Monday morning in Samut Sakhon, a fishing port near Bangkok that is home to many workers from Myanmar, men wearing the traditional Burmese longgyi and women with thanaka daubed on their cheeks thronged the alleys of a morning market.

Banners advertising SIM cards with cheap rates for calling Myanmar were plastered across buildings, while shops displayed signs in both Thai and Burmese.

“We have seen videos online of buildings collapsing and people trapped under the rubble. We feel so sad about not being able to do anything,” said 30-year-old factory worker Yin Yin, who like many in the crowd is worried about the situation back home.

Shopowner Thant Zin, 28, who is from a town in Sagaing unaffected by the quake, mourned the collapse of centuries-old pagodas and temples in his area. “What a disaster! I feel so bad… We have never experienced this extent of damage before.”

BBC / Tessa Wong A Myanmar woman with thanaka smeared on her face, holding a purple umbrella, looks at the camera at a busy market in Samut Sakhon
Samut Sakhon is home to a large community of migrant workers from Myanmar

Across town Ko Naing sat in his office, checking for updates on his family in Myanmar. At least 150 of his relatives live in or around Sagaing and Mandalay.

Friday’s earthquake was so immense that it could be felt in Thailand, India and China. That day, as Ko Naing lay in bed in Samut Sakhon hundreds of kilometres from the epicentre, he said he felt the room shake for about 30 seconds.

He immediately went on social media and discovered the quake had occurred close to Min Kun. Then he came across a picture of Sagaing’s Ava Bridge – a local landmark – lying in mangled ruins in the Irrawaddy River. “I was shocked and devastated, I have a lot of relatives in that area. I thought, ‘it must be fake news’. But it was real.”

With slow communications in Myanmar in the quake’s immediate aftermath, Ko Naing only heard from his relatives on Saturday. Almost everyone was safe and accounted for, he was told, except for a distant great-aunt who died in Mandalay – and his Oo Oo.

A week before, Min Kun and its surroundings had been shelled by the military targeting the People’s Defence Forces resistance. Almost all of Ko Naing’s family in the town fled to Sagaing city or to a military-controlled area in Mandalay.

Oo Oo had refused to decamp and took shelter in the village monastery instead, knowing that the military would not attack Buddhist sites.

But on Friday, the monastery collapsed completely when the earthquake struck. His body was found in the rubble on Monday.

Ko Naing remembers Oo Oo as an open-minded and outspoken 60-year-old. In an area dominated by the military, the two bonded over their shared support for the resistance, especially after the coup.

In the summer the two would spend afternoons by the river, having lunch and catching up on the news. His great-uncle had no phone and no social media, and Ko Naing would help him check updates on the civil war. “I was his personal news agency,” he joked.

Oo Oo had to retire from his job as a boatman when he suffered a stroke which left him partially paralysed. Still, every morning, he would shuffle to his family’s tea shop and fry up ee kyar kwe, or fried doughsticks.

“He was my source of inspiration, especially in difficult times… he was the only one I could talk to. I got my resilience from him,” said Ko Naing.

That resilience was something Ko Naing had to tap on when he made his dangerous escape from Myanmar along with his wife and five-year-old son. He was wanted by the military, which had issued a warrant for his arrest for taking part in peaceful protests.

His family travelled to the border where they crossed into Thailand illegally. As they ran in the dark past a Thai border police station, the family tripped over a large pipe and tumbled to the ground. His son fell backwards on his head. Ko Naing feared the worst.

But to his relief, his son let out a loud cry. Ko Naing slapped his hand over the child’s mouth, picked him up, and sprinted toward a people smuggler waiting for them with a motorcycle. They first headed to the Thai town of Mae Sot before eventually travelling to Samut Sakhon, where they secured the right to stay in Thailand.

Though he is now safe and has a good job, Ko Naing said: “To be honest I’m very depressed at the moment.

“First there was the pandemic, then the coup, then the military has been killing people who oppose them. People have been displaced.

“Then the earthquake has added to the suffering. Even after the earthquake, the military keeps bombing areas.

“I keep thinking it would be good if we can be there, if we can do something… it’s depressing living here, seeing the news about my country.”

He is working with the Myanmar diaspora to collect donations and send humanitarian assistance to the quake victims back home. They are also helping the Myanmar construction workers affected by the Bangkok building collapse.

“If we always feel depressed, nobody will help our people… it’s good that we’re alive. We can still do something.

“We have to make up our mind on how to rebuild, how we can move on.”

Taken From BBC News

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c74z9l1lw9do

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How the Gulf’s Economic Leverage May Liberate Palestine

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : During President Donald Trump’s recent visit to the Middle East, one major theme emerged with clarity and significance: the transformative use of money, investment, and trade as strategic instruments of diplomacy. The Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar, have recognized that in the current global order—where hard power has its limits—economic might can achieve what missiles and tanks cannot. They applied this new doctrine with precision, targeting none other than the most powerful man on earth—President Donald Trump himself.
Trump, a successful businessman known globally for his admiration of wealth and commerce, has consistently prioritized economic gain over military entanglements. Recognizing this, the Gulf states unveiled a diplomatic strategy rooted not in coercion but in commerce—offering billions in trade deals, unprecedented investment pledges, and economic opportunities tailored to revitalize the U.S. economy under Trump’s leadership.
At the heart of this strategic courtship lies a humanitarian and moral objective: the liberation of Palestine and the cessation of Israel’s brutal war on Gaza. But unlike past attempts, this was not a call to arms. The Gulf states chose not to challenge Israel through kinetic military engagement. They knew that a military confrontation with the U.S.-backed Israeli war machine would bring catastrophic consequences—not just for their own nations, but for the broader Islamic world and global stability.
Instead, the Gulf’s leaders—Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed of the UAE, and Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani of Qatar—adopted a wiser, calculated approach. By opening the gates of their economies to American companies, pledging over $13 trillion in long-term investments, and offering deep trade concessions, they provided Trump with the very lifeline he needs to fulfill his campaign promises: jobs, prosperity, and economic resurgence.
Speaking alongside these leaders, President Trump praised the Gulf’s transformation and economic evolution. He marveled at the skyscrapers, the architectural brilliance, and the futuristic cities rising from the desert. “Riyadh is becoming not just a seat of government but a major business, cultural, and high-tech capital of the entire world,” he stated. Trump emphasized that what he witnessed was unlike anything seen before, acknowledging that the transformation “has not come from Western interventionists,” but from the people of the region themselves.
In his address, Trump also noted that the Gulf nations have done what even the most sophisticated Western efforts failed to do in Kabul or Baghdad: build cities of prosperity, peace, and purpose through self-driven visions, national pride, and smart investments.
In parallel, the Amir of Qatar echoed a message of interconnected peace. “Americans and Qataris want peace,” he said. “I believe we have a God-given duty to bring about peace. I truly believe that you [Trump] are a president of peace.” He emphasized the urgency of diplomacy, revealing that U.S. and Qatari teams were working intensely to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza, protect civilians, and secure the release of hostages. The Amir added that resolving this conflict is essential to broader regional stability, from the West Bank to Yemen and Lebanon.
In exchange, the Gulf states put forward a united, unambiguous demand: an end to Israeli aggression in Gaza and a durable, just solution to the Palestinian issue in line with numerous United Nations Security Council resolutions. The message was unmistakable: continued economic engagement is contingent on peace and justice in Palestine.
This strategy represents a dramatic shift in the geopolitical toolkit of the Muslim world. In earlier decades, Muslim nations responded to Israeli aggression with protests, condemnations, and sometimes military retaliation. But such measures proved ineffective against the combined might of the United States and Israel. Worse, these moves exposed their societies to economic destruction, political instability, and social upheaval. This time, however, the Arab world has chosen intellect over instinct.
They have not compromised their solidarity with Palestine. They have not abandoned their moral compass. Rather, they have recalibrated their instruments of power. They know that economic interdependence can shape political behavior more effectively than empty threats or symbolic resolutions. And they know that Trump, in his second term, is focused more than ever on economic revival—and less interested in military adventures that drain national wealth.
In the same breath, they have offered Trump something Israel cannot: massive foreign direct investment, expanded trade opportunities, and access to the most rapidly transforming economies in the Middle East. Unlike Israel, whose leverage in Washington lies in political lobbies, media influence, and campaign financing, the Gulf states bring real money—tangible, immediate, and essential for Trump’s domestic success.
One of the most telling decisions during this Gulf tour was President Trump’s deliberate omission of Israel from his itinerary. Unlike past U.S. administrations that prioritized visits to Tel Aviv or Jerusalem, Trump focused solely on Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar. Analysts believe this move signaled a subtle but significant sidelining of Israel. While not a break in relations, it underscored Trump’s recalibration of U.S. foreign policy toward economic pragmatism and away from ideological commitments. The Trump administration appears increasingly aware that its core interests—regional stability, economic growth, and diplomatic influence—can no longer be chained to Israel’s hardline policies.
Moreover, recent diplomatic breakthroughs such as the ceasefire with the Houthis, the initiation of U.S.-Iran nuclear talks in Muscat, and even discussions on lifting sanctions on Syria, were achieved without Israeli involvement. The release of an Israeli-American hostage by Hamas also occurred without Israeli mediation, indicating a shift in the U.S.’s diplomatic channels. Trump’s administration, thus, seems to recognize that Israel is no longer the sole or even central conduit to Middle Eastern peace. Instead, the Gulf monarchies have emerged as credible, effective interlocutors.
The brilliance of this strategy lies in its dual-edged nature. If Trump aligns with the Gulf and distances the United States from Israel’s unrelenting war on Gaza, the economic windfall will flow freely into America. If he refuses, the Gulf states now hold the power to stall or withdraw these investments, undermining Trump’s economic narrative and denting public optimism, investor confidence, and stock market momentum. For a president who thrives on optics, numbers, and headlines, this risk is substantial.
Moreover, the Gulf’s economic leverage has created a rare window of opportunity for the Palestinians. If Arab investments become more appealing to the United States than the traditional Israeli lobby, Washington’s strategic calculus could tilt in favor of a Palestinian peace settlement. Israel, long dependent on unwavering American support, may then be forced to reconsider its policy of occupation, siege, and indiscriminate violence in Gaza.
This dynamic does not mean that Israel’s influence in Washington has vanished. Far from it. The Israeli lobby—anchored by powerful individuals, corporations, and media empires—still wields considerable power in U.S. politics. Through campaign donations, think tanks, and lobbying groups, it shapes congressional behavior and White House policies. But what the Gulf nations are now offering is not influence—it is impact.
They are not seeking to match Israel’s political muscle dollar for dollar. Instead, they are offering a vision of partnership rooted in mutual benefit: American economic gain in return for geopolitical fairness. In this vision, Palestine is not a bargaining chip—it is a litmus test of justice and moral leadership.
This shift in strategy should not be underestimated. The Muslim world, long accused of being reactive, fragmented, and militarily ineffective, is now demonstrating strategic maturity. It is using its comparative advantage—wealth, markets, and investment capital—to shape global events in its favor. Even Turkey and Iran, who historically adopted more confrontational stances, are now aligning with this economic approach, recognizing its effectiveness and global appeal.
This is not appeasement—it is adaptation. It is the realization that military conflict with Israel, backed by a nuclear-armed superpower, is futile. It is the acknowledgment that winning hearts, markets, and boardrooms in Washington may prove more transformative than battlefield victories.
At a time when Gaza lies in ruins, thousands of innocent Palestinians are dead, and the global conscience remains disturbed, this new approach offers hope—real, actionable hope. It offers a way forward not just for Palestinians, but for all Muslims who have long desired a peaceful and dignified resolution to one of the most enduring injustices in modern history.
If President Trump truly wishes to be remembered not just as a builder of hotels but as a maker of history, he must embrace this opportunity. He must realize that aligning with the economic powerhouses of the Muslim world may not only secure American prosperity but also secure his own legacy as a peacemaker.
And for the Muslim world, the message is clear: the era of kinetic power and military posturing is fading, giving way to an age where economic influence and financial diplomacy reign supreme. Now is the time to construct, invest, and shape outcomes through prosperity—not to destroy, fragment, or surrender to despair.

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Nine reported killed in Russian strike on civilian bus in Ukraine

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Nine people have been killed in a Russian drone attack on a civilian bus in north-eastern Ukraine, local officials say.

The Sumy regional military administration said seven other people were injured in the town of Bilopillia on Saturday morning as the bus travelled to the regional capital Sumy, close to Russia’s border.

The reported attack comes just hours after Russia and Ukraine held their first direct peace talks since 2022. No breakthrough was achieved, although a swap of prisoners of war was agreed.

Ukraine’s national police described the bus attack as a “cynical war crime”. Russia has not commented directly but said it had hit a “military staging area” in Sumy.

In a statement, the police service said: “The Russian army has once again struck a civilian object, disregarding all norms or international law and humanity.”

Citing preliminary information, Sumy regional head Oleh Hryhorov said the bus was hit by a Russian Lancet drone at 06:17 local time on Saturday (03:17 GMT).

He described the attack as “inhumane”.

Friday’s talks in Istanbul, Turkey, did not lead to any breakthrough as Ukraine and Russia remain far apart on how to end the war.

However, it was agreed that each side would return 1,000 prisoners of war to the other in the coming days.

Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

Ukraine used Sumy to launch offensives into Russia’s Kursk region in August. Russia drove the majority of Ukraine’s troops back earlier this year and has intensified cross-border artillery and air attacks in recent months.

Earlier this week before talks began with Ukraine, Russia carried out drone strikes across the region, killing three people and injuring nine others, according to Sumy’s regional military administration.

Following the discussions, Ukraine reiterated its call for a full and unconditional ceasefire but a deal with Russia remained elusive.

Ukraine said the next step in the process would be direct talks between Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky and Russia’s Vladimir Putin.

Russia said it had “taken notice” of the request.

The US has claimed that progress on ending the war would only be made if President Donald Trump and Putin held face-to-face talks.

During a visit to the Middle East, Trump told reporters on Air Force One “nothing’s going to happen until Putin and I get together”.

“He wasn’t going if I wasn’t there and I don’t believe anything’s going to happen, whether you like it or not, until he and I get together,” Trump added.

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Reclaiming Glory: The Islamic World’s Path to Renewal

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Once described in orientalist literature as a land of tents, sand dunes, and nomads, the Muslim world—especially the Middle East—has today transformed into a region of dazzling skylines, cutting-edge infrastructure, and dynamic centers of innovation and power. This renaissance, though gradual, is gaining undeniable momentum, shifting global power alignments and altering perceptions long held in Western political and academic circles.
From Riyadh to Kuala Lumpur, from Istanbul to Islamabad, a new wave of Muslim leadership is challenging the old tropes of backwardness and stagnation. The world is witnessing not only the rebirth of Muslim states as sovereign power centers but also the rise of Muslim diasporas as influential contributors in politics, science, economics, and culture across the West.
The Arabian Peninsula, once the symbol of barren landscapes and tribal simplicity, now boasts some of the world’s most sophisticated cities. Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Doha, and Riyadh are now homes to gleaming skyscrapers, smart cities, and high-tech financial hubs. The tallest buildings in the world rise from the same sands that once hosted nomadic tribes. What has driven this transformation is not merely oil wealth, but visionary leadership determined to diversify economies, embrace technological innovation, and play assertive roles on the world stage.
Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, led by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, exemplifies this ambition. It is not just a plan of economic reform but a blueprint to reposition the Kingdom as a global cultural, technological, and diplomatic powerhouse. In a historic gesture, President Donald Trump—during his recent visit to the Kingdom—referred to the Crown Prince as “an incredible man” and a “great representative of the Saudi people,” applauding him for transforming Saudi Arabia in ways that have stunned even seasoned global business leaders. Trump repeatedly emphasized the unparalleled hospitality and strategic foresight of the Saudi royal family, calling King Salman “a great man” and describing the transformation of the Kingdom as “something the world has never seen before.”
Trump’s decision to commence his new diplomatic agenda from Saudi Arabia, while bypassing other traditional giants like China, India, and Russia, signifies a profound geopolitical recalibration. His praise was not limited to polite diplomacy; it reflected a genuine recognition of the Kingdom’s newfound global weight.
What was once seen by the West as a region of camel caravans is now being courted by the most powerful man on the planet, not just for oil, but for investment, trade partnerships, and geopolitical leverage. In an extraordinary reversal of roles, the U.S. President appealed to Saudi Arabia’s leadership to use its regional clout for brokering peace in Ukraine, promoting stability in the Middle East, and enabling economic partnerships worth trillions of dollars. Trump openly acknowledged that the Kingdom’s “other industries have surpassed oil” and that its cities are now “global capitals of business, culture, and high-tech innovation.” He declared the Middle East the new “center of the world” and said the world must now look at the region not as a source of chaos, but of opportunity, vision, and peace.
Perhaps the most remarkable resurgence has been that of Pakistan. Long seen as economically fragile and politically unstable, Pakistan has demonstrated exceptional resilience and strategic clarity in recent conflicts. Its military strength, underpinned by indigenous missile systems, integrated communication warfare, cyber capabilities, and soft-power operations, has outclassed much larger adversaries in the region.
Pakistan’s ability to neutralize advanced aerial threats, jam enemy missile systems mid-air, and redirect hostile drones illustrates a level of strategic maturity and technological sophistication unseen in many developing nations. These feats have not only impressed observers but have also forced a recalibration of Pakistan’s status in the global military order—potentially placing it among the top five global powers in terms of operational integration and agility.
Turkey, under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has emerged as a formidable force combining military prowess with economic resilience. Ankara has invested heavily in its defense industry, becoming nearly self-sufficient in producing drones, tanks, missiles, and naval assets. It has expanded its geopolitical influence from the Eastern Mediterranean to Central Asia and Africa.
Beyond the Middle East and South Asia, Southeast Asia’s Muslim nations are also experiencing their renaissance. Malaysia and Indonesia once economically marginalized, have undergone dramatic transformation and are rising to become a knowledge-based, technologically advanced, and globally respected nation.
Despite decades of crushing sanctions and international isolation, Iran remains a resilient player. It has developed a formidable indigenous defense industry and maintains strategic leverage across the Middle East—from Iraq to Syria, Lebanon to Yemen. Its ability to withstand economic warfare and maintain sovereignty without capitulation is a testament to the Iranian people’s willpower and the state’s internal strength.
Central Asian republics like Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan—many of which have Muslim majorities—are now leveraging their Soviet-era scientific heritage and rich natural resources to build modern states. They are investing in technology, education, and multilateral diplomacy. These nations are quietly emerging as energy hubs, cultural centers, and diplomatic players, strengthening the overall Islamic bloc.
The Muslim renaissance is not confined to the traditional geography of Muslim nations. Across the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Europe, Muslims are making their mark in business, academia, politics, and media. In the U.S., Muslim lawmakers are gaining visibility, Muslim doctors and scientists are leading research in top universities, and Muslim entrepreneurs are disrupting tech and commerce sectors.
This diaspora is now shaping global narratives, challenging Islamophobia, and offering new paradigms of inclusive progress. They serve as bridges between civilizations, demonstrating that Islam and modernity are not only compatible but mutually reinforcing.
In essence, the global order is shifting, and the Islamic world is no longer on the sidelines. Through sustained economic development, strategic diplomacy, technological advancement, and cultural revival, Muslim nations are repositioning themselves as equal stakeholders in shaping the 21st century.
What binds this diverse group—from Morocco to Malaysia—is a shared sense of purpose, a revived confidence, and a collective ambition to shape a future grounded in dignity, power, and progress.
As President Trump’s visit underscored, the world must now acknowledge a new reality: the Muslim world is no longer rising—it has risen. And those once dismissed as “Bedouins” are now courted by the West to help resolve the most pressing issues of our time.

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