Pakistan News
Situationer: Torn between preserving life and livelihood
At the flood relief camp established by Rangers near the Talwar post on the border with India, Javed Ali, a man in his 40s, disembarks from a rescue boat.
He is accompanied by his wife, a toddler daughter and around a dozen members his family, who have come to the camp in the hope of getting some relief goods.
“The flood hit our village, Nagar, about 10 days ago, but the water did not reach our homes until three days back. On Thursday, it surrounded my house and the rest of my neighbourhood. We could not leave on our own because there was water all around the village.”
“I kept calling the helpline, as well as a welfare organisation, but despite promises that they would send the boat, help arrived today after three days. Now, tell me where to go from here?” he asks, pointedly.
Javed’s daughter has a fever and she has developed a skin allergy due to exposure to rain and floodwater. His niece and wife also have similar symptoms, so they make a beeline for the medical camp, where a doctor examines them and gives them some medicine.
When asked where they they will go from here, Javed says they have to make it to their relatives in Bhai Pheru. “But I don’t know how to reach Kasur from here,” he says, looking around for help.
A rescuer tells him that their duty is to evacuate them from flooded areas; they cannot promise further conveyance.
Javed’s is one of the many families who were rescued and brought to the relief camp near the Talwar post. The border with India can be seen across the huge body of water that spreads as far as the eye can see.
This site has become an assembly point for flood-hit people from around 16 villages, the last Pakistani settlements before the border. Now, they are all inundated with water from the River Sutlej.
The meandering Sutlej flowing alongside lush green rice fields: this is the sight that greets us on our way to the Ganda Singh border.
Initially, as we head down the main road, there is no sign of flooding. But as the village of Mahalam Kalan nears, around 15km from Ferozepur Road, the presence of Rangers bunkers and military personnel indicates that something is up.
At Rajiwala Araiyaan, the floodwater comes into view, along with a hullabaloo of activity, with hordes of flood-affected people and their cattle gathering in groups as relief activities are in full swing.
It has been two weeks since waters from the overflowing Sutlej first hit this area, but rescue boats are still busy ferrying those stranded in nearly villages.
A medical camp has been established near the Talwar Post, so that flood victims can receive first aid before they head out, most seeking shelter with relatives in nearby towns, or in relief camps.
The embankment at Rajiwala Road, on the edge of the floodwaters, is quite muddy due to fresh rain. Here, we see about 50 sheep, and Salman – a young man in his 20s – tending to them. He tells us he brought his animals to safety in a rickety boat around 11 days ago.
“There is nothing left in our houses. All we have were these animals. We are keeping the sheep here, but we have sent cows and other large animals ahead for fodder. There is nothing here. We don’t even have fodder for the sheep. We are arranging everything on our own, including food.”
He says there were 150 houses in his village, all of which were empty by the time they left. The authorities are preventing anyone from going back, so most people are understandably quite anxious about the state of their homes.
The main concern here is not just with people or property; it is the animals. Most of the flood-hit villagers are farmers who depend on their cattle for their livelihood. They cannot simply leave them behind, and relocating them to far-flung places is not feasible.
Mushtaq and Shahid, from the Bhikhiwind village, have also tethered their cows and buffaloes near the relief camp. They point to their village from where they sit; there is nothing there but deep, unnavigable waters.
They say that in the past, the water would reach their village, but it never breached their homes. This year, they said, there was more water than they had ever seen in their lives.
There were 25 families living in Bhikhiwind, all of whom have now been evacuated.
Around a fortnight ago, when they first evacuated, one man from each family stayed behind to protect their animals and property. However, law enforcement forced these stragglers out too, and now the people complain they have no support from the government, either in arranging food for themselves or fodder for their animals.
When we head over to the relief camp set up in the Rajiwala school, the guards don’t let us enter.
Amir Ali, a policeman deployed at the camp, says that residents of around 16 flooded villages had been brought to the camp. If people don’t leave their flooded villages and homes, the police brings them over forcibly, he says.
But the women from Bhikhiwind tell us that the day the army chief visited the area, they were enrolled at the camp. However, they did not receive any food, despite waiting the entire day.
The disappointed families say that they don’t expect anything from the government now. “Only Al-Khair and Al-Khidmat Foundation gave us some food,” says Mushtaq.
However, officials deputed at the relief camp deny these allegations. “Many people from the villages which are not affected by flood also approach the camp to demand food and fodder. We need to check their CNICs and seek the evidence of animals and family members,” said an official.
Muhammad Farooq has been voluntarily operating a raft (locally known as a Baira) since the flood hit. When we meet him, he is bringing ashore a motorcycle-rickshaw, a couple of heads of cattle, as well as people from the villages of Changa Singh and Dhupsari.
He says he gets diesel from the deputy commissioner’s office to run his Baira, which he uses to transport people, their animals and other heavy loads to the camp.
Asif, a resident of Changa Singh, is disembarking from Farooq’s raft as we arrive. He has just returned from a visit to his inundated village, which he left about eight days ago.
When they left, some elders were left behind to look after the houses, and every couple of days, someone returns to check on them. On this trip, Asif spent the night trying to save his family’s wheat stocks, placing them on the rooftop and covering them up to protect them from the elements.
But as the heavens open up, he looks crestfallen, fearing the rain might spoil their wheat too.
Header Image: Residents travel with their belongings on a boat as they head towards a higher ground in Punjab’s Kasur district, Aug 29. — Reuters
Pakistan News
Strategic Siege: Is Pakistan Being Surrounded
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Geopolitics has never been governed by sentiment. Not religion, not shared history, not cultural brotherhood—only interests. The unfolding realignments across South Asia and the Middle East illustrate this truth with striking clarity. Alliances are shifting, rivalries are recalibrating, and Pakistan finds itself increasingly positioned at the intersection of competing strategic designs.
The roots of today’s complexity stretch back to 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Pakistan became the frontline state in a U.S.-backed campaign to counter Moscow. Billions of dollars in American and Saudi assistance flowed through intelligence networks to arm and train Afghan fighters. The mobilization of religious ideology was not incidental—it was strategic. Fighters from across the Muslim world converged in Afghanistan. By 1989, the Soviet withdrawal marked a Cold War victory for Washington and its partners.
But militant infrastructures rarely dissolve once their immediate utility ends. The Taliban emerged in the 1990s from the ashes of war, establishing control over Kabul in 1996. Pakistan was among the few nations to recognize their regime. Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, however, the same Taliban became the primary target of American military intervention. The subsequent 20-year war cost over $2 trillion and claimed more than 170,000 lives before the U.S. withdrawal in August 2021.
The Taliban’s return to power reshaped the region yet again. Instead of ushering in stability for Pakistan, however, cross-border militancy intensified. The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), operating from Afghan soil, escalated attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Islamabad responded with cross-border airstrikes against militant sanctuaries. While tactically decisive, these actions strained relations with Kabul and risked civilian backlash.
Instead, Pakistan with its deep intelligence roots in Afghanistan, had the option to adopt the same tactics which Afghanistan is using by infiltrating Pakistani Taliban in Pakistan and killing innocent people mostly by detonating human bombs in Mosque. This could have been a more discrete way to weed out the menace of TTP. History suggests that purely kinetic responses can produce unintended strategic consequences. Airstrikes may eliminate immediate threats, but they can also deepen mistrust and create diplomatic openings for rival powers.
In geopolitics, tactical victories can sometimes yield strategic setbacks. By intensifying overt military pressure, Islamabad may have inadvertently accelerated Kabul’s search for diversified partnerships.
That diversification is perhaps the most striking development. The Taliban government, ideologically committed to Islamic governance, has increasingly explored diplomatic and economic engagement beyond traditional Islamic partners. India reopened diplomatic channels in Kabul and expanded humanitarian assistance. Israel has pledged billions of dollars of aid to Kabul in alignment with India. This is a profound geopolitical entanglement: an Islamic Emirate seeking expanded engagement with a Hindu-majority India and a Jewish-majority Israel, even as tensions simmer with neighboring Muslim Pakistan.
This underscores a fundamental principle of realpolitik: states pursue survival and leverage, not theological alignment. Religious brotherhood and shared culture matter, but only when they coincide with national interest calculations. Facing economic collapse, frozen reserves, and diplomatic isolation, Kabul seeks diversification. India offers infrastructure and access. Israel offers technological cooperation and strategic outreach. Ideology yields to necessity.
For Pakistan, however, the optics intensify concerns of encirclement. On its eastern border, India remains a strategic competitor, particularly over Kashmir. On its western frontier now stands an Afghanistan willing to engage Islamabad’s rivals. To the southwest lies Iran, itself navigating tense relations with the United States. This evolving geometry fuels perceptions of a tightening strategic ring.
An additional dimension complicates matters further: Bagram Airbase. During the U.S. presence in Afghanistan, Bagram served as the largest American military installation in the country, with dual runways capable of handling heavy aircraft and advanced surveillance platforms. Its geographic location—approximately 500 kilometers from China’s Xinjiang region—made it strategically significant.
U.S. President Donald Trump publicly criticized the abandonment of Bagram in 2021, arguing that retaining the base would have preserved American leverage, particularly in the context of intensifying U.S.-China rivalry. Bagram’s proximity to Central Asia, Iran, and western China positions it as more than a counterterrorism platform—it is a potential springboard in great-power competition.
While direct American military reentry into Afghanistan appears unlikely in the near term, evolving regional alignments could create indirect pathways of influence. The strengthening of India’s presence in Kabul, combined with Israel’s strategic engagement in broader Asian geopolitics, introduces analytical possibilities. Washington maintains deep defense partnerships with both New Delhi and Tel Aviv. If Afghanistan continues diversifying toward these actors, space may gradually reopen for U.S. strategic leverage—without formal troop deployments.
Interestingly, geopolitics often unfolds through indirect channels. For Washington, containing China remains a central strategic priority. For India, Afghanistan offers westward strategic depth. For Israel, expanded regional engagement broadens diplomatic influence. For Kabul, diversified partnerships reduce isolation. For Pakistan, however, these convergences heighten strategic anxiety.
For Israel, extending its engagement with Kabul through India would provide a strategic foothold in South Asia and enhance its capacity to deter Pakistan from aligning with Turkey and Saudi Arabia in any configuration perceived as intimidating to Israel. Such cooperation could be viewed as a counterweight to a potential alignment involving Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and nuclear-armed Pakistan, which some analysts argue might aim to exert strategic pressure or encirclement against Israel.
Simultaneously, the Persian Gulf remains heavily militarized. The U.S. Fifth Fleet in Bahrain deploys advanced naval assets, while Iran has invested in ballistic missiles, drones, and anti-ship systems designed to offset conventional asymmetry. China, importing substantial Gulf energy supplies, and Russia, expanding ties with Tehran, both observe carefully.
Any escalation between Washington and Tehran would reverberate in Pakistan. The country already hosts approximately 1.3 million registered Afghan refugees. A major Iran conflict could trigger further displacement, compounding economic strain amid IMF-backed reforms and domestic political polarization.
Internally, Pakistan faces political turbulence, including debates surrounding the incarceration of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and federal-provincial tensions. External pressure combined with internal division magnifies vulnerability.
Yet one broader truth emerges from this complex web: strategic encirclement is not solely a product of adversarial design. It can also arise from miscalculation, overreliance on hard power, and insufficient diplomatic agility. States that rely exclusively on military tools risk narrowing their strategic options.
This is a defining moment. Great-power rivalry, regional insecurity, and ideological contradictions intersect at fragile fault lines. Afghanistan’s outreach beyond traditional religious alignments demonstrates the primacy of interest over identity. Bagram symbolizes the enduring shadow of great-power competition. India and Israel’s evolving engagement in Kabul reflects the fluidity of modern alliances.
But history offers a sobering lesson. From the Soviet-Afghan war to the U.S. intervention, military campaigns have reshaped borders without resolving deeper grievances. Stability requires not merely deterrence but diplomacy.
Encirclement strategies may promise leverage. Hybrid doctrines may promise precision. Yet sustainable security demands cooperation grounded in mutual recognition of vulnerabilities.
Geopolitics may be ruthless in its calculations, but peace remains the only enduring strategic victory.
Pakistan News
Pakistan and Russia deepen media and diplomatic dialogue ahead of PM Sharif’s visit to Moscow
Monitoring Desk: The Moscow–Islamabad Media Forum will be held on February 27, 2026, to coincide with the official visit of the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, to Moscow, scheduled for the first week of March 2026.
The forum will serve as a platform for journalists, political experts, and diplomats from Pakistan and Russia to discuss the current state of bilateral relations, explore future opportunities, and analyze how the Russia–Pakistan partnership impacts global politics, the economy, and the contemporary media landscape.
Cooperation between Russia and Pakistan is of particular importance in the context of the transformation of international relations and the formation of a new system of global interaction. In recent years, contacts between the two countries have intensified at inter-parliamentary, expert, and media levels, while practical cooperation in the humanitarian and socio-political spheres continues to expand.
Within the framework of the forum, Russian and Pakistani journalists, political scientists, and representatives of diplomatic circles will discuss the current state and future prospects of bilateral relations, as well as the role of the Russia–Pakistan partnership in political, economic, and information processes shaping the modern world.
The event is timed to coincide with the official visit of the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Shehbaz Sharif, to Moscow from March 3 to 5, 2026.
Admission for media representatives will be granted only through prior accreditation upon presentation of a passport and a valid editorial certificate confirming the journalist’s affiliation with the accredited media organization.
MSPC “Russia Today” reserves the right to refuse accreditation without providing an explanation.
This News is taken from
https://dnd.com.pk/pakistan-and-russia-deepen-media-and-diplomatic-dialogue-ahead-of-pm-sharifs-visit-to-moscow/328726/
Pakistan News
Pakistan launches strikes on Afghanistan, with Taliban saying dozens killed
Pakistan has carried out multiple overnight air strikes on Afghanistan, which the Taliban has said killed and wounded dozens of people, including women and children.
Islamabad said the attacks targeted seven alleged militant camps and hideouts near the Pakistan-Afghanistan border and that they had been launched after recent suicide bombings in Pakistan.
Afghanistan condemned the attacks, saying they targeted multiple civilian homes and a religious school.
The fresh strikes come after the two countries agreed to a fragile ceasefire in October following deadly cross-border clashes, though subsequent fighting has taken place.
The Taliban’s defence ministry said the strikes targeted civilian areas of Nangarhar and Paktika provinces.
Officials in Nangarhar told the BBC that the home of a man called Shahabuddin had been hit by one of the strikes, killing about 20 family members, including women and children.
Pakistan’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting said it had carried out “intelligence based selective targeting of seven terrorist camps and hideouts”.
In a statement on X, it said the targets included members of the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, which the government refers to as “Fitna al Khawarij,” along with their affiliates and the Islamic State-Khorasan Province.
The ministry described the strikes as “a retributive response” to recent suicide bombings in Pakistan by terror groups it said were sheltered by Kabul.
The recent attacks in Pakistan included one on a Shia mosque in the capital Islamabad earlier this month, as well as others that took place since the holy month of Ramadan began this week in the north-western Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.
Pakistan accused the Afghan Taliban of failing to take action against the militants, adding that it had “conclusive evidence” that the attacks were carried out by militants on the instructions of their leadership in Afghanistan.
The Taliban’s defence ministry later posted on X condemning the attacks as a “blatant violation of Afghanistan’s territorial integrity”, adding that they were a “clear breach of international law”.
It warned that “an appropriate and measured response will be taken at a suitable time”, adding that “attacks on civilian targets and religious institutions indicate the failure of Pakistan’s army in intelligence and security.”
The strikes come days after Saudi Arabia mediated the release of three Pakistani soldiers earlier this week, who were captured in Kabul during border clashes last October.
Those clashes ended with a tentative ceasefire that same month after the worst fighting since the Taliban returned to power in 2021.
Pakistan and Afghanistan share a 1,600-mile (2,574 km) mountainous border.
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