Pakistan News
Situationer: Torn between preserving life and livelihood
At the flood relief camp established by Rangers near the Talwar post on the border with India, Javed Ali, a man in his 40s, disembarks from a rescue boat.
He is accompanied by his wife, a toddler daughter and around a dozen members his family, who have come to the camp in the hope of getting some relief goods.
“The flood hit our village, Nagar, about 10 days ago, but the water did not reach our homes until three days back. On Thursday, it surrounded my house and the rest of my neighbourhood. We could not leave on our own because there was water all around the village.”
“I kept calling the helpline, as well as a welfare organisation, but despite promises that they would send the boat, help arrived today after three days. Now, tell me where to go from here?” he asks, pointedly.
Javed’s daughter has a fever and she has developed a skin allergy due to exposure to rain and floodwater. His niece and wife also have similar symptoms, so they make a beeline for the medical camp, where a doctor examines them and gives them some medicine.
When asked where they they will go from here, Javed says they have to make it to their relatives in Bhai Pheru. “But I don’t know how to reach Kasur from here,” he says, looking around for help.
A rescuer tells him that their duty is to evacuate them from flooded areas; they cannot promise further conveyance.
Javed’s is one of the many families who were rescued and brought to the relief camp near the Talwar post. The border with India can be seen across the huge body of water that spreads as far as the eye can see.
This site has become an assembly point for flood-hit people from around 16 villages, the last Pakistani settlements before the border. Now, they are all inundated with water from the River Sutlej.
The meandering Sutlej flowing alongside lush green rice fields: this is the sight that greets us on our way to the Ganda Singh border.
Initially, as we head down the main road, there is no sign of flooding. But as the village of Mahalam Kalan nears, around 15km from Ferozepur Road, the presence of Rangers bunkers and military personnel indicates that something is up.
At Rajiwala Araiyaan, the floodwater comes into view, along with a hullabaloo of activity, with hordes of flood-affected people and their cattle gathering in groups as relief activities are in full swing.
It has been two weeks since waters from the overflowing Sutlej first hit this area, but rescue boats are still busy ferrying those stranded in nearly villages.
A medical camp has been established near the Talwar Post, so that flood victims can receive first aid before they head out, most seeking shelter with relatives in nearby towns, or in relief camps.
The embankment at Rajiwala Road, on the edge of the floodwaters, is quite muddy due to fresh rain. Here, we see about 50 sheep, and Salman – a young man in his 20s – tending to them. He tells us he brought his animals to safety in a rickety boat around 11 days ago.
“There is nothing left in our houses. All we have were these animals. We are keeping the sheep here, but we have sent cows and other large animals ahead for fodder. There is nothing here. We don’t even have fodder for the sheep. We are arranging everything on our own, including food.”
He says there were 150 houses in his village, all of which were empty by the time they left. The authorities are preventing anyone from going back, so most people are understandably quite anxious about the state of their homes.
The main concern here is not just with people or property; it is the animals. Most of the flood-hit villagers are farmers who depend on their cattle for their livelihood. They cannot simply leave them behind, and relocating them to far-flung places is not feasible.
Mushtaq and Shahid, from the Bhikhiwind village, have also tethered their cows and buffaloes near the relief camp. They point to their village from where they sit; there is nothing there but deep, unnavigable waters.
They say that in the past, the water would reach their village, but it never breached their homes. This year, they said, there was more water than they had ever seen in their lives.
There were 25 families living in Bhikhiwind, all of whom have now been evacuated.
Around a fortnight ago, when they first evacuated, one man from each family stayed behind to protect their animals and property. However, law enforcement forced these stragglers out too, and now the people complain they have no support from the government, either in arranging food for themselves or fodder for their animals.
When we head over to the relief camp set up in the Rajiwala school, the guards don’t let us enter.
Amir Ali, a policeman deployed at the camp, says that residents of around 16 flooded villages had been brought to the camp. If people don’t leave their flooded villages and homes, the police brings them over forcibly, he says.
But the women from Bhikhiwind tell us that the day the army chief visited the area, they were enrolled at the camp. However, they did not receive any food, despite waiting the entire day.
The disappointed families say that they don’t expect anything from the government now. “Only Al-Khair and Al-Khidmat Foundation gave us some food,” says Mushtaq.
However, officials deputed at the relief camp deny these allegations. “Many people from the villages which are not affected by flood also approach the camp to demand food and fodder. We need to check their CNICs and seek the evidence of animals and family members,” said an official.
Muhammad Farooq has been voluntarily operating a raft (locally known as a Baira) since the flood hit. When we meet him, he is bringing ashore a motorcycle-rickshaw, a couple of heads of cattle, as well as people from the villages of Changa Singh and Dhupsari.
He says he gets diesel from the deputy commissioner’s office to run his Baira, which he uses to transport people, their animals and other heavy loads to the camp.
Asif, a resident of Changa Singh, is disembarking from Farooq’s raft as we arrive. He has just returned from a visit to his inundated village, which he left about eight days ago.
When they left, some elders were left behind to look after the houses, and every couple of days, someone returns to check on them. On this trip, Asif spent the night trying to save his family’s wheat stocks, placing them on the rooftop and covering them up to protect them from the elements.
But as the heavens open up, he looks crestfallen, fearing the rain might spoil their wheat too.
Header Image: Residents travel with their belongings on a boat as they head towards a higher ground in Punjab’s Kasur district, Aug 29. — Reuters
Pakistan News
Balochistan Stands Firm Against Terror Security Forces Crush Coordinated Militant Assault
ISPR, Rawalpindi
On 31 January 2026, terrorists of Indian sponsored Fitna al Hindustan attempted to disturb peace of Balochistan by conducting multiple terrorist activities around Quetta, Mastung, Nushki, Dalbandin, Kharan, Panjgur, Tump, Gwadar and Pasni.
On behest of their foreign masters, these cowardly acts of terrorism were aimed at disrupting the lives of local populace and development of Balochistan by targeting innocent civilians in District Gwadar and Kharan, wherein, terrorists maliciously targeted eighteen innocent civilians (including women, children, elderly and labours) who embraced Shahadat.
Security Forces and Law Enforcement Agencies being fully alert immediately responded and successfully thwarted the evil design of terrorists displaying unwavering courage and professional excellence. Our valiant troops carried out engagement of terrorists with precision and after prolong, intense and daring clearance operation across Balochistan, sent ninety two terrorists including three suicide bombers to hell, ensuring security and protection of local populace.
Tragically, during clearance operations and intense standoffs, fifteen brave sons of soil, having fought gallantly, made the ultimate sacrifice and embraced shahadat.
Sanitization operations in these areas are being continuously conducted and the instigators, perpetrators, facilitators and abettors of these heinous and cowardly acts, targeting innocent civilians and Law Enforcement Agencies personals, will be brought to Justice.
Intelligence reports have unequivocally confirmed that the attacks were orchestrated and directed by terrorists ring leaders operating from outside Pakistan, who were in direct
communication with the terrorists throughout the incident.
Earlier on 30 January, forty one terrorists of Fitna al Hindustan and Fitna al Khwarij were killed in Panjgur and Harnai. With these successful operations in last two days, the total number of terrorists killed in the ongoing operations in Balochistan has reached one hundred and thirty three.
Sanitization operations are being conducted to eliminate any other Indian sponsored terrorist found in the area. Relentless Counter Terrorism campaign under vision “Azm e Istehkam” (as approved by Federal Apex Committee on National Action Plan) by Security Forces and Law Enforcement Agencies of Pakistan will continue at full pace to wipe out menace of foreign sponsored and supported terrorism from the country.
Pakistan News
Pakistan’s Choices as Iran Faces a New Encirclement
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Pakistan steered its ship with admirable composure during the “twelve-day war,” which began with Israel–U.S. strikes on Iranian military and nuclear-linked targets in mid-June 2025 and escalated into sustained exchanges that lasted nearly two weeks, ending with a ceasefire around June 24. What made those twelve days unforgettable was not only the intensity, but the symbolism: Iran’s missile and drone barrages repeatedly penetrated Israeli airspace, challenging the psychological aura surrounding Israel’s multi-layered defense architecture—systems such as Iron Dome and David’s Sling that the world had come to view as near-absolute protection.
During that first phase, Tehran discovered that many relationships celebrated in peacetime become conditional in wartime. India—despite years of strategic engagement with Iran and the economic logic of connectivity projects designed to reach Central Asia—did not step forward in a manner Tehran expected. For Iranian observers, this was not merely silence; it felt like calculated distance, shaped by India’s wider strategic alignments and its concern that any global momentum toward a Palestinian two-state framework could echo into renewed international scrutiny of Kashmir. The war thus exposed not only military fault lines, but diplomatic ones, revealing how quickly geopolitics can reorder loyalties when the costs of association rise.
Pakistan, in that first phase, stood out as a notable exception. Islamabad’s political and diplomatic signaling leaned toward defending Iran’s sovereignty and opposing external aggression, a posture framed by regional media as meaningful support and a source of goodwill. Pakistan appeared willing to risk diplomatic discomfort to stand with a neighbor under direct attack, reinforcing a narrative of fraternal ties rooted in geography, culture, and shared historical memory. That moment, however, belonged to a specific kind of conflict—short, explosive, and bounded by the logic of rapid escalation and de-escalation.
The second phase is of a different character altogether. On January 23, 2026, President Donald Trump publicly confirmed that a U.S. armada was moving toward the Middle East, with major naval assets shifting into the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean as Washington framed the deployment around Iran’s internal unrest and the regime’s response to protests. This was not the sudden blaze of a twelve-day exchange; it was the slow, visible architecture of pressure—presence, signaling, and endurance.
In this new moment, Pakistan’s dilemma sharpens. The cost of being misunderstood becomes higher, the penalties of miscalculation more enduring. Islamabad must now decide how to protect its neighborhood, its economy, and its strategic credibility without turning itself into a battlefield, a base, or a bargaining chip in a contest far larger than any single state.
This complexity is deepened by Pakistan’s Middle East relationships. Beyond Saudi Arabia, Pakistan’s economic and financial space has long been underpinned by Gulf cooperation through investment flows, energy arrangements, and vast remittance networks tied to Qatar, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates. Yet this support exists within a regional context where many Gulf states view Iran not only as a strategic competitor but also as a religious and political rival, accusing Tehran of deepening sectarian divides and projecting influence through proxies in Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Palestine. In this environment, overt Pakistani alignment with Iran would be more likely to unsettle Gulf capitals than reassure them, potentially narrowing Pakistan’s economic and diplomatic room for maneuver.
Against this backdrop, Pakistan’s first choice is open support for Iran—diplomatic, material, and, if forced by circumstances, kinetic. The appeal lies in moral clarity and neighborhood logic. Iran is a neighbor whose stability directly affects Pakistan’s western frontier, border security, and internal cohesion. Open support would reassure Tehran that it is not alone again, strengthening long-term trust and potentially discouraging any future strategic drift that could expose Pakistan’s flank. The cost, however, is immediate and tangible. Visible alignment against Washington risks economic retaliation, pressure through international financial channels, and political isolation in forums where U.S. influence remains decisive, while also unsettling Gulf partners who see Iran through a lens of rivalry rather than fraternity.
The second choice is alignment with the United States and Israel—offering cooperation that could include intelligence sharing, logistical facilitation, or strategic access. This path promises short-term diplomatic favor and potential financial relief, but it is the most combustible domestically and regionally. It would inflame public sentiment, sharpen sectarian and political tensions, and almost certainly provoke Iranian hostility in ways that could destabilize Pakistan’s western borderlands. The strategic blowback could be generational, recasting Pakistan’s image across the Muslim world and entangling it in a conflict whose objectives and endgame are not of its own making.
The third choice is declared neutrality. Pakistan would step back, deny its soil and airspace for conflict, and consistently call for de-escalation. The advantage is immediate insulation. Neutrality reduces the risk of becoming a direct target and preserves working channels with all parties. Yet neutrality in a pressure campaign can become a quiet punishment. Iran may still feel abandoned and revise its trust calculus. Washington may interpret restraint as passive resistance and still apply economic pressure. India could frame Pakistan as irrelevant or opportunistic while consolidating its own partnerships. Neutrality can be a shield, but it can also become an empty space others fill with their own narratives.
The fourth choice is calibrated dual-track strategy. Pakistan avoids loud, provocative rhetoric that triggers U.S. retaliation while quietly extending the maximum permissible support to Iran behind the curtain of diplomacy. This is survival statecraft in a world where economies can be choked without a single missile launched. The advantage is strategic breathing room: Pakistan preserves its financial and diplomatic channels while preventing Iran from feeling strategically orphaned. The risk is fragility. If exposed, secrecy can produce the worst of both worlds—U.S. anger without the protection of honesty and Iranian disappointment if the help appears too cautious or insufficient.
The fifth choice is multilateral internationalization—pushing the crisis into formal global forums such as the United Nations, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and ad hoc contact groups involving China, Russia, Turkey, and key European states. Instead of positioning itself as a bilateral actor between Tehran and Washington, Pakistan frames itself as a convener and agenda-setter, shifting the burden of mediation, legitimacy, and pressure onto a wider coalition. The advantage is dilution of risk. Decisions and outcomes no longer rest on Pakistan’s shoulders alone, and the crisis is embedded in a global framework that makes unilateral escalation politically costlier. The downside is loss of speed and influence. Multilateral processes are slow, consensus-driven, and often shaped by great-power rivalries that can stall momentum at the very moments when urgency is greatest.
These five paths do not exist in isolation; they overlap, collide, and constrain one another. Pakistan cannot fully embrace one without partially touching the others. Open support for Iran strains Gulf and Western ties. Alignment with Washington risks regional backlash. Neutrality invites suspicion from all sides. Dual-track strategy demands discipline and secrecy. Multilateralization trades immediacy for legitimacy. The art of statecraft lies not in choosing a single lane, but in sequencing these options in a way that preserves room to maneuver as circumstances evolve.
The most sustainable course for Pakistan lies in a disciplined blend of the fourth and fifth choices, anchored by the language of the third. Declared neutrality in public posture provides a shield against direct retaliation. Active, quiet stabilization with Iran preserves neighborly trust and reduces the risk of border spillover, refugee flows, and proxy escalation. Multilateral engagement internationalizes the crisis, embedding it in legal and diplomatic frameworks that slow the march toward unilateral coercion. At the same time, Pakistan must maintain cordial, pragmatic, and economically constructive relations with Washington, carefully calibrating its actions and rhetoric to avoid triggering sanctions or financial pressures that could further strain an already fragile economic landscape.
The twelve-day war proved that old myths can break and that “friends” can vanish when bombs fall. The January 23 mobilization proves something else: pressure campaigns are built to last, and nations survive them through balance, not bravado. Pakistan’s victory will not be found in loud slogans or reckless entanglement. It will be measured in its ability to protect its economy, preserve its Gulf lifelines, prevent western-border chaos, stand close enough to Iran to preserve brotherhood, far enough from provocation to deny adversaries a pretext for retaliation, and engaged enough with the world to ensure that when the region’s future is negotiated, Pakistan is not merely present, but heard.
Pakistan News
Ambassador Mumtaz Zahra Baloch addressed the Association of Pakistani Francophone Professionals
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY):- Ambassador of Pakistan Madam Mumtaz Zahra Baloch addressed the Association of Pakistani Francophone Professionals at an event held at the Embassy of Pakistan in Paris, France.
Speaking on the occasion, the Ambassador outlined the multifaceted relations between Pakistan and France and the wider francophone world. She stated that while Governments create frameworks and agreements, it is the people professionals, academics, entrepreneurs, and civil society leaders, who give life to bilateral relationships between countries.
Ambassador appreciated the work of PPRF and its contribution in promoting professional networking and cultural exchanges between the Francophone Pakistanis and the French society and thus strengthening people-to-people links between Pakistan and France.
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