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President Pezeshkian’s Truth Bomb vs. Netanyahu’s War Machine

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : In a world suffocated by strategic deception and media filters, one conversation pierced through the fog. In a bold 28-minute interview with Tucker Carlson, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian delivered a message so clear, calm, and compelling that it shattered decades of crafted misperception about Iran’s foreign policy, nuclear ambition, and regional posture. In doing so, Pezeshkian positioned himself as the face of reason — while exposing the reckless belligerence of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whose war-mongering agenda has long dictated U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East.
Pezeshkian began with humility and conviction: “We did not start this war and we do not want this war to continue in any way.” His words echoed the constitutional stance of Iran’s post-revolution leadership — defensive, not expansionist; committed to sovereignty, not conquest. He emphasized that his administration is built on the twin pillars of “national unity inside the country” and “peace and friendship with neighboring countries and the rest of the world.”
This is not mere rhetoric. Pezeshkian substantiated this vision by recalling that Iran has “never invaded another country in 200 years.” At a time when regional militarism is disguised as security, this record is not only rare — it is disarming.
What, then, explains the decades of suspicion cast on Iran? Pezeshkian points squarely to Benjamin Netanyahu, who, since 1984, “has created this false mentality that Iran seeks a nuclear bomb,” embedding this narrative so deeply into the psyche of American leaders that even diplomacy itself became a threat to the status quo.
And yet, the president insisted: “We have never been after developing a nuclear bomb, not in the past, not presently, or in the future.” His reason was not strategic, but spiritual. “It is in contrast to the religious decree — the fatwa — issued by His Eminence, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is religiously forbidden for us to go after a nuclear bomb.”
This declaration alone upends the central justification for Israeli and American hostility. Iran’s nuclear program — routinely monitored by the IAEA — was never about weaponization. But it was Israel, Pezeshkian revealed, that sabotaged peace: “We were in the middle of talks with the United States… and Israel torpedoed the negotiating table.”
This act, far from being reactive, was strategic. Israel’s pre-emptive strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities was based not on verified intelligence, but a desire to kill diplomacy in its crib. “Unlawful attacks against our nuclear centers,” Pezeshkian said, “severely damaged our equipment. We can’t even verify what remains.” The IAEA, instead of condemning this violation of international law, issued a report that further inflamed tensions — and emboldened Tel Aviv.
Pezeshkian’s outrage was rooted in justice, not vengeance. When asked whether Iran would retaliate through proxy terror or sleeper cells, he responded with dignified defiance: “Have you ever seen an Iranian killing an American? Has any Iranian ever committed terrorism on your soil?” The answer, of course, is no. He clarified: “We don’t believe in sleeper cells. We don’t need them. We defend ourselves through diplomacy, and when forced, directly with our own hands.”
This moral clarity extended to the often-misunderstood chant of “Death to America.” The president dismantled its literal interpretation: “It doesn’t mean death to American people or officials. It means death to crimes, bullying, and atrocities.” In other words, it is a political condemnation — not a genocidal threat.
But even as Pezeshkian appealed for understanding, he drew a hard line: “If war is imposed on Iran, we will defend ourselves to the last drop of blood.” Yet again, this is defense, not aggression. “We put our trust in God and in the resilience of our people. We don’t need help from anyone — not Russia, not China. Iran will stand alone if it must.”
Contrast this with Netanyahu’s doctrine: forever war, regional hegemony, and a theologically-rooted belief in Israel’s divine entitlement to land and dominance. Netanyahu, Pezeshkian implied, has long used deception — whether about Iran’s nuclear program, sleeper cells, or fabricated assassination attempts — to manipulate American sentiment and force Washington into conflicts that serve Israeli, not American, interests.
The consequences have been catastrophic — not only for Palestinians and Iranians, but for the very fabric of international law and order. Pezeshkian recounted the assassination of Iranian scientists, the murder of off-duty commanders, and the slaughter of children and pregnant women in Israeli airstrikes. “Just to kill one person, they demolish an entire building,” he said. “And they call this security?”
Even more chilling was the attempted assassination of Pezeshkian himself. “Yes, they tried. But I’m not afraid to sacrifice my life for my country.” The irony? This act of terrorism — reportedly foiled by Iranian intelligence — was meant to prevent the very peace talks that could have stabilized the region.
Yet despite everything, Pezeshkian extended a remarkable offer: “We see no problem in re-entering negotiations with the United States.” He went further: “There is no limitation for U.S. investors to come to Iran — even now.” This invitation stands even as American sanctions, not Iranian policy, prevent such engagement.
And so, we arrive at the defining choice: Two narratives now confront the conscience of the international community.
One is Netanyahu’s — driven by a supremacist ideology, a fabricated threat matrix, and a relentless drive toward regional domination. It is a doctrine of perpetual war, waged under the pretext of self-defense, while enacting wholesale slaughter in Gaza and the West Bank. Netanyahu has turned entire neighborhoods into rubble, hospitals into graves, and innocent civilians — including women and children — into nameless casualties of military “precision.” This isn’t security. It’s a slow-motion holocaust, unfolding with impunity.
The other narrative is Iran’s — a nation invoking religious fatwas against nuclear weapons, calling for diplomacy, and rejecting the logic of proxy terrorism and sleeper cells. Its leaders, from the Supreme Leader to the newly elected President Pezeshkian, argue not for conquest, but for sovereignty. Not for dominance, but dignity. Not for retaliation, but restraint. And yet, it is this very nation that remains under siege — economically, politically, and militarily.
Former French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin once warned that “if peace is not restored in the Middle East, Europe and the United States will be held hostage by extremism.” That warning has come full circle.
But the ultimate irony — and tragedy — lies in the words of President Donald Trump himself, who in his campaign and inaugural promise declared that his would be a “government of common sense.” A government that would reject endless wars. That would put America First — not Tel Aviv first. That would protect innocent lives, not shield aggressors behind vetoes at the United Nations. That would respond not to genocidal allies, but to the cries of children dying beneath collapsed buildings in Gaza and Rafah.
Common sense dictates that when a nation turns refugee camps into graveyards, when it hunts down civilians with drones, when it assassinates scientists in their homes and bombs residential towers to kill one man — that nation is not defending itself. It is dismantling the very moral fabric of global civilization.
And if America continues to partner with that behavior — if it continues to treat Netanyahu as a statesman instead of a war criminal — then the United States is not just complicit. It is corrupted.
It is time for the American public, lawmakers, and leaders to make a choice grounded in facts — not fear; in law — not lobbying; in morality — not military-industrial deals. The truth is now on the table. Netanyahu’s war has been exposed. Pezeshkian’s peace has been declared. The next move belongs to Washington.

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How Iran War Is Grounding the World Economy

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The war in the Middle East has now moved far beyond the battlefield. What initially appeared as a regional military confrontation has evolved into a systemic global crisis—one that is tightening its grip not only on governments and markets, but on ordinary people struggling to sustain daily life. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz, combined with targeted disruption of oil infrastructure, has triggered a cascading breakdown across energy supply chains, aviation networks, and tourism-dependent economies. The world is no longer merely watching a war; it is experiencing its economic consequences in real time.
At the center of this unfolding crisis lies the global jet fuel market—a sector often overlooked in geopolitical analysis, yet one that sustains the arteries of globalization. Prior to the conflict, global jet fuel demand had recovered strongly, reaching approximately 107 billion gallons annually in 2024, with projections climbing to nearly 7.2 million barrels per day by early 2026. This demand was supported by a finely balanced supply network spanning North America, Asia, and the Middle East. Today, that balance has been violently disrupted.
The Middle East, which typically contributes around 20% of global jet fuel supply, has seen a dramatic collapse in its effective output. War-related damage to refineries, combined with the strategic closure of the Strait of Hormuz, has removed an estimated 320,000 tons of jet fuel per day from global circulation. At the same time, approximately 3 million barrels per day of refining capacity across the الخليج region has either been shut down or rendered inoperable. This is not a marginal disruption—it is a structural shock to the global energy system.
Jet fuel prices have responded accordingly. Within weeks, prices surged from approximately $85–90 per barrel to well above $200, representing one of the sharpest increases in modern energy market history. For the aviation industry, where fuel accounts for up to one-third of operating costs, this is nothing short of catastrophic. Airlines are no longer operating in a demand-driven environment; they are navigating a survival crisis defined by cost pressures and supply scarcity.
The impact is most visible in Europe, where the aviation sector—and by extension, the tourism economy—is deeply exposed. Europe imports roughly 25–30% of its jet fuel from the Persian Gulf. With supply lines disrupted, airlines have begun aggressive capacity cuts. Major carriers have canceled thousands of flights ahead of the critical summer season. Lufthansa alone has reportedly removed tens of thousands of flights from its schedule, while other carriers are grounding aircraft, optimizing routes, and operating only essential services.
This contraction strikes at the heart of Europe’s economic model. Tourism is not a peripheral sector; it is a foundational pillar. The continent generates between $600 and $700 billion annually from tourism, supporting millions of jobs and contributing significantly to GDP in countries such as Spain, Italy, France, and Greece. This entire ecosystem depends on affordable, reliable air travel. Without it, hotels remain empty, restaurants lose customers, and entire regional economies begin to contract.
The crisis is not confined to Europe. In Asia-Pacific, where airlines depend heavily on Middle Eastern fuel flows, the situation is even more acute. Carriers have entered emergency operational modes, securing limited fuel supplies and preparing for prolonged disruption. Even in the United States—buffered by its status as a major producer—airlines face massive financial strain. Leading carriers have warned of billions of dollars in additional fuel costs, threatening profitability and forcing difficult operational decisions.
What makes this crisis particularly dangerous is its compounding nature. Aviation is not only about passenger mobility; it is a critical component of global trade. High-value goods, pharmaceuticals, and time-sensitive cargo depend on air freight. As flight capacity shrinks, supply chains tighten, prices rise, and inflationary pressures intensify. Indeed, energy analysts have already warned that this crisis could add nearly 0.8% to global inflation—an alarming figure in an already fragile economic environment.
Meanwhile, the maritime dimension of the conflict is adding further instability. The Strait of Hormuz, through which nearly one-fifth of the world’s oil supply normally passes, has become a contested zone. Tankers are being intercepted, diverted, and in some cases seized. Insurance costs have soared, discouraging shipping companies from entering the region. Even where fuel is available, the ability to transport it safely has become uncertain.
China’s position offers a temporary buffer but not immunity. With substantial strategic reserves and a diversified energy portfolio, including large-scale investments in renewable energy, China can withstand short-term shocks. However, as the world’s manufacturing hub, any prolonged disruption will inevitably impact its output. A slowdown in Chinese production would have global consequences, affecting supply chains and economic growth worldwide.
This brings into focus a critical strategic question: what is the underlying objective of this disruption? One interpretation—gaining increasing traction—is that the closure of the Strait of Hormuz is not merely a byproduct of conflict, but a strategic lever. By constraining Middle Eastern supply, global demand is redirected toward alternative producers, most notably the United States. Over the past decade, the U.S. has transformed into a leading exporter of oil and liquefied natural gas. In a constrained market, its leverage increases significantly.
For Iran, the situation presents a profound strategic dilemma. Maintaining the closure of the Strait exerts pressure on adversaries but simultaneously inflicts economic pain on the wider world. Reopening the waterway, on the other hand, could reposition Iran as a stabilizing force while exposing the broader dynamics at play. It would restore global supply flows, ease economic pressures, and potentially shift international opinion.
From a strategic standpoint, reopening Hormuz could neutralize the leverage derived from disruption. It would deny the United States to exploit scarcity and would reestablish a degree of economic normalcy. More importantly, it would demonstrate that stability—not disruption—is the stronger strategic position in an interconnected global system.
The world today is facing more than an energy crisis. It is confronting the fragility of a system built on uninterrupted flows—of fuel, goods, people, and capital. When one critical node collapses, the effects ripple outward, disrupting industries and livelihoods across continents.
If the current trajectory continues, the consequences will be severe. Aviation networks may contract further, tourism economies could enter recession, and global trade may slow significantly. Inflationary pressures will rise, and economic uncertainty will deepen. What began as a regional conflict risks becoming a global economic turning point.
The solution lies not in escalation, but in recalibration. Restoring the free flow of energy through critical waterways, stabilizing supply chains, and reengaging in meaningful diplomacy are essential steps. The alternative is a prolonged period of economic disruption with far-reaching consequences.
The Strait of Hormuz is no longer just a geographic chokepoint. It has become the pivot on which the global economy now turns.

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Aftermath of Iran-US War and A. J. Muste’s Quotes:

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There is No Way to Peace, Peace is the Way

Akhtar Hussain Sandhu

Chicago (USA)

[email protected]

Iran-US War and Islamabad peace facilitation prompt me to recall the famous quotes of Abraham Johannes Muste, a US-based civil rights and anti-nuclear-weapons activist. To him, nothing can lead to peace, but peace, in fact, facilitates a positive change in relations therefore, not circumstances or ways, but ‘peace’ itself proves a nucleus of attention in the crisis-packed situation in a society or world. Social scientists usually count the factors and circumstances leading to peace in a conflict at the societal and international level, but A. J. Muste believes that ‘peace’ is the greatest force that attracts rival protagonists to create understanding and end conflict. A. J. Muste opposed World War I and the US-Vietnam War and also opposed nuclear weaponry. He worked zealously and nonviolently for labor rights and civil liberties in the United States. The US-Israel led war against Iran on 28 February 2026 caused a catastrophic results and the continuous bombing destroyed Iran’s civil infrastructure, and approximately 180 schoolgirls were killed in an aerial attack. It was condemned by the masses in the US and other countries. Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz as a war tactic, which created a global oil crisis, and all countries’ economies experienced an overnight major setback. The US President changed his initial war objectives and focused on the reopening of the Hormuz because multiple nations were bashing the US President for his unethical war mongering ambition, which caused the energy crisis. US President Donald Trump first decided to isolate the US from this dangerous drive and declared that the affected countries should send their troops to open this sea route for their vessels, but in April 2026, he issued a furious statement that if Iran did not open the Strait of Hormuz, it would be eliminated from the earth. It caused panic in the world because this message meant a nuclear attack on Iran. If it happened, any power could justify the use of nuclear weapons against the rival country, and the world could be an unsafe and hellish place. It could also convince every country, including Iran, to have nuclear weapons in future because having nuclear weaponry was to be left as the only option to survive against a rival nuclear power. However, Pakistan, China, Russia, Egypt, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, enjoying cordial relations with the US and Iran, ultimately brought a truce of two weeks, and both countries consented to dialogue in Islamabad on 10 April. Army Chief Gen. Asim Munir, PM Mian Shahbaz Sharif, and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar from Pakistan played a pivotal role in the ongoing parleys between the rival leaders. The ceasefire created an environment in which both camps claimed victory, and both seemed busy proving their military strength and muscles, but despite all, they are heading towards peace through dialogue. Threatening Statements by the US President even before a day before the negotiations is an evidence that the agreement (if it is concluded) would be presented as Iran’s surrender before the US might. A. J. Muste quotes that not circumstances, but ‘peace’ itself pushed the rival forces away from the battlefield. Once, a reporter questioned his presence as a protest in front of the White House: ” Can you change the White House? A. J. Muste replied. ‘I don’t do this to change the country. I do this so the country would not change me.’ The ruling elite always use the name of ‘state’ to change the people as it desires, but the state’s predilections change with the passage of time; therefore, to curb the citizens proves havoc for the social fabric. Dissatisfied masses can hardly produce a beneficial human resource that truly serves a nation. A. J. Must says that the problem after a war is that the victor shows the fight has brought a bright future, and war has paid the nation a lot. In their perception, the war was a new form of reform that would ensure prosperity and psychological pride for the people. Iran and the USA have both been claiming victories and asserting that the conflict has brought blessings. Both countries closed their eyes to the human sufferings and loss of innocent lives, wealth, economy, infrastructure, and hatred generated against each other. Peace proved its importance and motivated them to approach the neutral countries for a ceasefire, which means the war had crippled both the rivals to the extent that they were unable to talk even of ‘peace’, which shows the weakness and impotency of the so-called victors. A. J. Muste opines that no big power in the war accepts itself as an aggressor; instead, it is always the rival that is the aggressor.’ However, I think that every fighting country thinks of itself as a big force, therefore both become ‘big powers’ under their own justifications. Look at the arguments of the US and Iran that have been justifying their righteousness and aggression toward the rival according to their own national narratives. None of them is ready to accept any lapse on the side. Perhaps it happens amid internal and external threats to the political leadership, who twist events and arguments to secure their political position and national morale. This is another form of stress and aggression against peace, humanity, and righteousness. For example, many US military and other officials refused to attack Iran who must be consulted about their current thinking on their decision. A. J. Muste says that peace is impossible if people are only concerned with peace. A war is an outcome of different ways of life. If people desire to attack war, they have to attack that way of life.’ A. J. Muste here can be disagreed because way of life is always different, which does not mean to be in a battlefield all the time. I think he wants to say that if people dislike war, they should change their vision to one of living in societies with divergent ways of life. This quote reflects Muste’s desire that prosperity and civil liberties can change society, and by this, war maneuvering can be suffocated. AJ Must was a member of the Fellowship of Reconciliation in the US, which struggled against war hysteria and the violation of civil liberties and for labor rights. He delivered lectures in different universities on the nonviolent struggle for rights. He joined the Montgomery Bus Boycott, led by Martin Luther King, Jr., in 1955. A. J. Muste’s struggle is still admired by Americans and Europeans because he worked selflessly for humanity, peace, and the dignity of all races.     

Writer is a US-based Historian & Colmunist

9 April 2026

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PM Shehbaz, Starmer Hold Key Call on Regional Security UK Backs Pakistan’s Peace Initiatives and Ceasefire Efforts

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Prime Minister’s Office
Media Wing

ISLAMABAD: 10 April 2026.

Prime Minister’s Telephone Call with Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the United Kingdom

Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif received a telephone call from Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, His Excellency Keir Starmer, this evening.

Prime Minister Starmer deeply appreciated Pakistan’s effective diplomatic efforts in facilitating the U.S.-Iran ceasefire, and the resumption of dialogue. He felicitated Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif on hosting the peace negotiations in Islamabad and offered his best wishes for the success of this endeavor.

Reaffirming Pakistan’s sincere commitment to regional peace and stability, Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif welcomed the joint statement issued by key European and international leaders, including Prime Minister Starmer, endorsing Pakistan’s peace initiatives.

Both leaders emphasized the importance of ensuring that the ceasefire remains in place and creates the necessary conditions for lasting peace and stability in the region.

The two leaders agreed to work together to lend fresh impetus to the longstanding friendly ties between Pakistan and the United Kingdom, across all spheres of mutual interest.

The Prime Minister reiterated his cordial invitation to Prime Minister Starmer to undertake an official visit to Pakistan.

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