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Pakistan’s Moment in Washington

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : In a rare shift of focus from its usual marginal position in American discourse, Pakistan has recently found itself in the headlines in the United States for all the right reasons. Normally overshadowed by stories of political chaos, power tussles, and institutional heavy-handedness against dissent, the narrative has now turned toward Islamabad’s surprising diplomatic maneuvering and its growing importance in Washington’s strategic calculations. While Pakistan’s domestic politics remain fraught—with Imran Khan and his party under relentless state pressure and critics of the “deep state” still facing crackdowns—the country has suddenly carved out space on the global stage. This pivot began in earnest just before the United States carried out precision strikes on Iran’s Fordow and other nuclear sites.
The catalyst was an unprecedented meeting: on June 18, 2025, President Donald Trump hosted Pakistan’s Army Chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, for a private lunch at the White House, an event widely covered by international media. It was one of the most significant diplomatic engagements of Trump’s second term and the first time a U.S. president hosted Pakistan’s military chief without civilian leadership present. At the press briefing following the meeting, Trump openly acknowledged Munir’s role in averting disaster during the recent five-day India-Pakistan conflict, saying:
“The reason I had him here… I wanted to thank him for not going into the war… ending it. Two very smart people decided not to keep going with that war; that could have been a nuclear war.” (NDTV, June 2025)
This meeting reverberated across South Asia, creating political tremors in India. Rahul Gandhi, leader of the opposition Congress Party, seized the moment in a fiery parliamentary speech, lambasting Prime Minister Modi’s government for failing to secure equivalent U.S. attention. In India’s parliament, even some pro-government lawmakers admitted that New Delhi had been outmaneuvered diplomatically, losing ground to Islamabad in Washington’s halls of power.
The reasons for this shift are not hard to discern. While India has long been touted as America’s counterweight to China, its policy choices have frustrated Washington. New Delhi’s unrelenting purchase of Russian oil—now exceeding 1.5 million barrels a day—and acquisition of Russian arms has provided Moscow with critical liquidity to sustain its war effort against Ukraine. Arms deals alone totaled over $5 billion in 2024, undermining Western sanctions. Trump and senior Republicans like Marco Rubio publicly criticized this stance, framing it as opportunism detrimental to U.S. and NATO interests. In this context, Pakistan’s alignment with U.S. priorities, however cautious, has not gone unnoticed.
On Palestine, Pakistan has walked a fine line. Publicly and diplomatically, Islamabad has been vociferous in condemning Israeli atrocities in Gaza and the West Bank, echoing global outrage at what many now call a “slaughterhouse.” Yet, unlike Iran or other Muslim-majority states, Pakistan has avoided providing material or military support to Palestinian resistance factions, preventing open friction with Washington or Tel Aviv. This careful positioning has kept Pakistan in the good books of the U.S. administration while still satisfying domestic demands for moral solidarity with Palestine.
Another critical factor shaping this newfound goodwill is Pakistan’s willingness to open its mineral-rich landscape to U.S. investment. During his Washington visit, Munir reportedly offered exclusive access to U.S. companies for mining ventures in Balochistan, an area rich in copper, lithium, and rare earth elements vital for high-tech industries, semiconductors, and space exploration. Reuters reported on May 23, 2025, that Pakistan’s Commerce Minister promised concessions for U.S. firms to secure multi-billion-dollar investments and attract alternative financing away from China’s $60 billion CPEC monopoly. The Reko Diq copper-gold project, already partly backed by U.S. funding, could become one of the largest globally, producing up to 800,000 tons of copper and 250,000 ounces of gold annually by 2028.
This economic cooperation moved further ahead on July 30, 2025, when Trump announced via Truth Social:
“We have just concluded a Deal with the Country of Pakistan, whereby Pakistan and the United States will work together on developing their massive Oil Reserves.”
Pakistan’s finance ministry called it a “new era of economic collaboration,” spanning energy, mining, IT, cryptocurrency, and other sectors. Talks included tariff suspensions on Pakistani textile exports to the U.S., which were worth over $3 billion in 2024, protecting a crucial lifeline for Pakistan’s struggling economy. Additionally, Pakistan is set to receive its first shipment of U.S. crude oil in October 2025, marking a strategic shift away from its historic reliance on Gulf and Russian supplies.
Security cooperation has also played a pivotal role. Pakistan’s recent handover of ISIS operatives to U.S. authorities was widely praised in Washington’s counterterrorism circles, reinforcing Pakistan’s image as a partner rather than a spoiler in global security efforts. These moves have coincided with IMF aid being disbursed to Islamabad without the usual political roadblocks, suggesting a Washington-brokered softening of lender attitudes.
Above all, President Trump has been unusually vocal in his praise for Pakistan’s military prowess. Reflecting on the May conflict, he lauded Islamabad’s restraint and ingenuity, noting that Pakistan’s missiles “hit only military targets” and publicly confirming reports that five Indian fighter jets, including three Rafales, were downed during the skirmish. Trump contrasted this with his frustration over India’s tariffs on U.S. goods and its continued Russian entanglements, signaling a sharp departure from Biden-era policies that sought to elevate India as a counterweight to China.
Trump’s Washington now appears willing to reward Pakistan for supporting U.S. strategic interests. Islamabad has also revived its traditional role as a mediator between Washington and Beijing, with Trump himself noting that Pakistan “knows Iran very well, better than most,” using its intelligence networks to help avert broader conflict. Analysts view this as Pakistan stepping back into its Cold War-era niche of a trusted go-between in great power diplomacy.
For the first time in decades, the stars seem aligned for Pakistan in Washington. Favorable optics and warm words must now be translated into tangible benefits: expanded trade, accelerated military modernization, strategic technology transfers, and above all, economic revitalization that lifts millions of Pakistanis out of poverty. Diplomatic goodwill is fleeting, and Pakistan’s history is littered with missed chances and squandered advantages.
This moment is different not because Washington has suddenly discovered new love for Pakistan, but because India has stumbled and Pakistan has—by design or by luck—stepped into the breach. Unless Pakistan’s leadership develops a coherent strategy to lock in this goodwill, institutionalize its gains, and align its domestic governance with global expectations, the window will close as quickly as it opened. Trump’s administration has offered Islamabad a seat at the table; it is now up to Pakistan’s policymakers to decide whether they will merely savor the invitation or use it to shape a future where Pakistan’s role in global affairs is secure, respected, and beneficial to its people.

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Strategic Siege: Is Pakistan Being Surrounded

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Geopolitics has never been governed by sentiment. Not religion, not shared history, not cultural brotherhood—only interests. The unfolding realignments across South Asia and the Middle East illustrate this truth with striking clarity. Alliances are shifting, rivalries are recalibrating, and Pakistan finds itself increasingly positioned at the intersection of competing strategic designs.
The roots of today’s complexity stretch back to 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Pakistan became the frontline state in a U.S.-backed campaign to counter Moscow. Billions of dollars in American and Saudi assistance flowed through intelligence networks to arm and train Afghan fighters. The mobilization of religious ideology was not incidental—it was strategic. Fighters from across the Muslim world converged in Afghanistan. By 1989, the Soviet withdrawal marked a Cold War victory for Washington and its partners.
But militant infrastructures rarely dissolve once their immediate utility ends. The Taliban emerged in the 1990s from the ashes of war, establishing control over Kabul in 1996. Pakistan was among the few nations to recognize their regime. Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, however, the same Taliban became the primary target of American military intervention. The subsequent 20-year war cost over $2 trillion and claimed more than 170,000 lives before the U.S. withdrawal in August 2021.
The Taliban’s return to power reshaped the region yet again. Instead of ushering in stability for Pakistan, however, cross-border militancy intensified. The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), operating from Afghan soil, escalated attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Islamabad responded with cross-border airstrikes against militant sanctuaries. While tactically decisive, these actions strained relations with Kabul and risked civilian backlash.
Instead, Pakistan with its deep intelligence roots in Afghanistan, had the option to adopt the same tactics which Afghanistan is using by infiltrating Pakistani Taliban in Pakistan and killing innocent people mostly by detonating human bombs in Mosque. This could have been a more discrete way to weed out the menace of TTP. History suggests that purely kinetic responses can produce unintended strategic consequences. Airstrikes may eliminate immediate threats, but they can also deepen mistrust and create diplomatic openings for rival powers.
In geopolitics, tactical victories can sometimes yield strategic setbacks. By intensifying overt military pressure, Islamabad may have inadvertently accelerated Kabul’s search for diversified partnerships.
That diversification is perhaps the most striking development. The Taliban government, ideologically committed to Islamic governance, has increasingly explored diplomatic and economic engagement beyond traditional Islamic partners. India reopened diplomatic channels in Kabul and expanded humanitarian assistance. Israel has pledged billions of dollars of aid to Kabul in alignment with India. This is a profound geopolitical entanglement: an Islamic Emirate seeking expanded engagement with a Hindu-majority India and a Jewish-majority Israel, even as tensions simmer with neighboring Muslim Pakistan.
This underscores a fundamental principle of realpolitik: states pursue survival and leverage, not theological alignment. Religious brotherhood and shared culture matter, but only when they coincide with national interest calculations. Facing economic collapse, frozen reserves, and diplomatic isolation, Kabul seeks diversification. India offers infrastructure and access. Israel offers technological cooperation and strategic outreach. Ideology yields to necessity.
For Pakistan, however, the optics intensify concerns of encirclement. On its eastern border, India remains a strategic competitor, particularly over Kashmir. On its western frontier now stands an Afghanistan willing to engage Islamabad’s rivals. To the southwest lies Iran, itself navigating tense relations with the United States. This evolving geometry fuels perceptions of a tightening strategic ring.
An additional dimension complicates matters further: Bagram Airbase. During the U.S. presence in Afghanistan, Bagram served as the largest American military installation in the country, with dual runways capable of handling heavy aircraft and advanced surveillance platforms. Its geographic location—approximately 500 kilometers from China’s Xinjiang region—made it strategically significant.
U.S. President Donald Trump publicly criticized the abandonment of Bagram in 2021, arguing that retaining the base would have preserved American leverage, particularly in the context of intensifying U.S.-China rivalry. Bagram’s proximity to Central Asia, Iran, and western China positions it as more than a counterterrorism platform—it is a potential springboard in great-power competition.
While direct American military reentry into Afghanistan appears unlikely in the near term, evolving regional alignments could create indirect pathways of influence. The strengthening of India’s presence in Kabul, combined with Israel’s strategic engagement in broader Asian geopolitics, introduces analytical possibilities. Washington maintains deep defense partnerships with both New Delhi and Tel Aviv. If Afghanistan continues diversifying toward these actors, space may gradually reopen for U.S. strategic leverage—without formal troop deployments.
Interestingly, geopolitics often unfolds through indirect channels. For Washington, containing China remains a central strategic priority. For India, Afghanistan offers westward strategic depth. For Israel, expanded regional engagement broadens diplomatic influence. For Kabul, diversified partnerships reduce isolation. For Pakistan, however, these convergences heighten strategic anxiety.
For Israel, extending its engagement with Kabul through India would provide a strategic foothold in South Asia and enhance its capacity to deter Pakistan from aligning with Turkey and Saudi Arabia in any configuration perceived as intimidating to Israel. Such cooperation could be viewed as a counterweight to a potential alignment involving Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and nuclear-armed Pakistan, which some analysts argue might aim to exert strategic pressure or encirclement against Israel.
Simultaneously, the Persian Gulf remains heavily militarized. The U.S. Fifth Fleet in Bahrain deploys advanced naval assets, while Iran has invested in ballistic missiles, drones, and anti-ship systems designed to offset conventional asymmetry. China, importing substantial Gulf energy supplies, and Russia, expanding ties with Tehran, both observe carefully.
Any escalation between Washington and Tehran would reverberate in Pakistan. The country already hosts approximately 1.3 million registered Afghan refugees. A major Iran conflict could trigger further displacement, compounding economic strain amid IMF-backed reforms and domestic political polarization.
Internally, Pakistan faces political turbulence, including debates surrounding the incarceration of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and federal-provincial tensions. External pressure combined with internal division magnifies vulnerability.
Yet one broader truth emerges from this complex web: strategic encirclement is not solely a product of adversarial design. It can also arise from miscalculation, overreliance on hard power, and insufficient diplomatic agility. States that rely exclusively on military tools risk narrowing their strategic options.
This is a defining moment. Great-power rivalry, regional insecurity, and ideological contradictions intersect at fragile fault lines. Afghanistan’s outreach beyond traditional religious alignments demonstrates the primacy of interest over identity. Bagram symbolizes the enduring shadow of great-power competition. India and Israel’s evolving engagement in Kabul reflects the fluidity of modern alliances.
But history offers a sobering lesson. From the Soviet-Afghan war to the U.S. intervention, military campaigns have reshaped borders without resolving deeper grievances. Stability requires not merely deterrence but diplomacy.
Encirclement strategies may promise leverage. Hybrid doctrines may promise precision. Yet sustainable security demands cooperation grounded in mutual recognition of vulnerabilities.
Geopolitics may be ruthless in its calculations, but peace remains the only enduring strategic victory.

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Pakistan and Russia deepen media and diplomatic dialogue ahead of PM Sharif’s visit to Moscow

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Monitoring Desk: The Moscow–Islamabad Media Forum will be held on February 27, 2026, to coincide with the official visit of the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, to Moscow, scheduled for the first week of March 2026.
The forum will serve as a platform for journalists, political experts, and diplomats from Pakistan and Russia to discuss the current state of bilateral relations, explore future opportunities, and analyze how the Russia–Pakistan partnership impacts global politics, the economy, and the contemporary media landscape.

Cooperation between Russia and Pakistan is of particular importance in the context of the transformation of international relations and the formation of a new system of global interaction. In recent years, contacts between the two countries have intensified at inter-parliamentary, expert, and media levels, while practical cooperation in the humanitarian and socio-political spheres continues to expand.
Within the framework of the forum, Russian and Pakistani journalists, political scientists, and representatives of diplomatic circles will discuss the current state and future prospects of bilateral relations, as well as the role of the Russia–Pakistan partnership in political, economic, and information processes shaping the modern world.
The event is timed to coincide with the official visit of the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Shehbaz Sharif, to Moscow from March 3 to 5, 2026.
Admission for media representatives will be granted only through prior accreditation upon presentation of a passport and a valid editorial certificate confirming the journalist’s affiliation with the accredited media organization.
MSPC “Russia Today” reserves the right to refuse accreditation without providing an explanation.
This News is taken from
https://dnd.com.pk/pakistan-and-russia-deepen-media-and-diplomatic-dialogue-ahead-of-pm-sharifs-visit-to-moscow/328726/

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Pakistan launches strikes on Afghanistan, with Taliban saying dozens killed

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Pakistan has carried out multiple overnight air strikes on Afghanistan, which the Taliban has said killed and wounded dozens of people, including women and children.

Islamabad said the attacks targeted seven alleged militant camps and hideouts near the Pakistan-Afghanistan border and that they had been launched after recent suicide bombings in Pakistan.

Afghanistan condemned the attacks, saying they targeted multiple civilian homes and a religious school.

The fresh strikes come after the two countries agreed to a fragile ceasefire in October following deadly cross-border clashes, though subsequent fighting has taken place.

The Taliban’s defence ministry said the strikes targeted civilian areas of Nangarhar and Paktika provinces.

Officials in Nangarhar told the BBC that the home of a man called Shahabuddin had been hit by one of the strikes, killing about 20 family members, including women and children.

Pakistan’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting said it had carried out “intelligence based selective targeting of seven terrorist camps and hideouts”.

In a statement on X, it said the targets included members of the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, which the government refers to as “Fitna al Khawarij,” along with their affiliates and the Islamic State-Khorasan Province.

The ministry described the strikes as “a retributive response” to recent suicide bombings in Pakistan by terror groups it said were sheltered by Kabul.

The recent attacks in Pakistan included one on a Shia mosque in the capital Islamabad earlier this month, as well as others that took place since the holy month of Ramadan began this week in the north-western Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.

Pakistan accused the Afghan Taliban of failing to take action against the militants, adding that it had “conclusive evidence” that the attacks were carried out by militants on the instructions of their leadership in Afghanistan.

The Taliban’s defence ministry later posted on X condemning the attacks as a “blatant violation of Afghanistan’s territorial integrity”, adding that they were a “clear breach of international law”.

It warned that “an appropriate and measured response will be taken at a suitable time”, adding that “attacks on civilian targets and religious institutions indicate the failure of Pakistan’s army in intelligence and security.”

The strikes come days after Saudi Arabia mediated the release of three Pakistani soldiers earlier this week, who were captured in Kabul during border clashes last October.

Those clashes ended with a tentative ceasefire that same month after the worst fighting since the Taliban returned to power in 2021.

Pakistan and Afghanistan share a 1,600-mile (2,574 km) mountainous border.

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