Pakistan News
Pakistan Military at the Next Level

Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : What happens when a nuclear-armed country—surrounded by rivals, forged by decades of warfare, and positioned at the junction of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East—decides not just to survive, but to dominate the battlefield? This is not fiction. This is the evolving reality of Pakistan’s military transformation—an extraordinary arc of resilience, innovation, and rising strategic relevance on the global stage.
How does a country build a combat doctrine not from textbooks, but from blood, pressure, and relentless engagement? Pakistan’s army has not only witnessed war—it has lived it continuously. Its training fields are battle zones. Its soldiers are veterans long before promotion. Pakistan’s first decisive test came during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Despite limited resources, it played a central role in organizing, arming, and coordinating the Afghan resistance. Over time, that resistance—backed by Pakistan’s strategy—contributed to the breakup of the Soviet Union itself. Western analysts may debate the scale of influence, but no one denies the pivotal role played by Pakistan in one of history’s most significant Cold War victories.
When the United States launched its global War on Terror after 9/11, where did they turn? Again, Pakistan became the key player. Hosting logistics hubs, launching independent military operations, and working in tandem with NATO, Pakistan didn’t just participate—it led. One U.S. general bluntly admitted that Pakistan’s Operation Zarb-e-Azb eliminated terrorist networks with such efficiency that it created panic across the border in Afghanistan, where NATO had failed for over a decade to contain insurgents. What made Pakistan’s operations so effective? Was it merely terrain familiarity, or was it the fusion of human intelligence, drone strikes, and synchronized air-ground execution that set the new gold standard in counterterrorism?
Unlike many modern armies that have stretches of peacetime, the Pakistan Armed Forces have had no such luxury. From the mountains of Waziristan to the deserts of Balochistan, from the urban conflict zones of Karachi to the Line of Control in Kashmir, Pakistan’s soldiers have fought continuously—against terrorists, insurgents, and foreign incursions. Has this constant engagement weakened the force? Quite the opposite. It has produced what few nations can boast: a battle-hardened, tactically mature, and psychologically resilient military corps—trained not in simulation, but in sustained warfare.
What did Pakistan learn from two decades of partnership with U.S. and NATO forces? Beyond tactical know-how, it absorbed critical competencies in ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, Reconnaissance), electronic warfare, encrypted communications, cyber defense, drone operations, and joint-force coordination. These were not mere workshops—they were shared operations, combat tested. Over time, this knowledge was indigenized, integrated into local doctrine, and reinforced through Pakistan’s own institutions. Could it be said, then, that Pakistan now operates at near-parity with mid-tier NATO forces in digital battlefield integration? All indicators suggest: yes.
What makes Pakistan’s weaponry unique in the South Asian equation? Not the number of tanks or fighter jets, but the sophistication of its systems and the strategic logic behind their deployment. The Shaheen missile series grants Pakistan extended-range strike capability. The Nasr missile—the crown jewel of tactical deterrence—can be deployed at the battlefield level with nuclear payloads, neutralizing India’s Cold Start doctrine. The Babur and Ra’ad cruise missile systems, featuring stealth and terrain-hugging trajectories, provide multi-platform delivery from land, air, and sea. Are these systems merely symbolic? Or do they signal Pakistan’s mastery of strategic ambiguity and layered deterrence?
Pakistan’s aerial strength has also seen remarkable evolution. The JF-17 Thunder, co-produced with China, now in its Block III configuration, comes equipped with AESA radar, BVR (beyond visual range) missile compatibility, and stealth features. Add to that the acquisition of China’s J-10C fighters, which are comparable in capability to Western 4.5-generation aircraft, and the equation tilts. Pakistan’s pilots, many trained through real combat sorties and joint exercises with China, Turkey, and even NATO members, have repeatedly demonstrated agility, adaptability, and lethality.
Is air superiority the only game-changer? Far from it. Pakistan’s air defense matrix—once minimal—now includes the HQ-9B long-range surface-to-air missile system, backed by radar jamming and electronic warfare components.
On the seas, Pakistan’s Navy, though traditionally underfunded, is undergoing a serious upgrade. New Type 054A/P frigates and Hangor-class submarines (nuclear-capable variants included) are redefining maritime deterrence and second-strike capability. For a country with a short coastline, is such an investment justifiable? When considering the geopolitical value of Gwadar Port and the Indian Ocean trade arteries, the answer becomes self-evident.
How deeply integrated is Pakistan’s defense network with global power structures? In a revealing interview in 2025, Indian Army General Rahul Singh admitted that India no longer faces Pakistan alone. During recent standoffs, he explained, Pakistan’s military command had real-time intelligence on nearly every Indian maneuver—timings, locations, deployments.
Singh went further, acknowledging that China not only exerted pressure along India’s northern border but also shared satellite intelligence with Pakistan. He described the battlespace as a “board game” in which Pakistan and China coordinated to destabilize India’s options. Does this confirm what I theorized —that any military plan against Pakistan must now factor in China as an active deterrent? General Singh’s words remove all doubt.
While traditional defense spending and direct arms imports matter, another layer of Pakistan’s rise lies beneath the surface: the silent power of dual-use civilian technology. Over the past two decades, Pakistan has legally imported photolithography machines, CNC tools, aerospace-grade processors, encrypted satellite modules, and thermal guidance components—mostly under industrial or medical licenses from countries like Germany, France, Switzerland, Spain, the UK, and the United States. Were these tools left idle in labs? Quite the contrary. They were reverse-engineered, adapted, militarized.
Through institutions like NESCOM, SUPARCO, ISPAE, and the Strategic Plans Division, Pakistan has used these components to design indigenous missile guidance systems, encrypted communications, AI-enabled drones, radar-detection platforms, and anti-jamming technology. How resilient is this supply chain? Because it is global, diversified, and rooted in civilian sectors, it is not easily disabled by sanctions or embargoes.
Can Pakistan claim independence in defense innovation? Not entirely—but its trajectory is toward autonomy. It now maintains joint development labs with China, drone collaboration with Turkey, and ISR and electronic warfare alignment with Russia. The fusion of East and West, of Cold War-era tactics and AI-age capabilities, places Pakistan in a rare position: capable of matching regional threats while disrupting global ones.
When India launched Operation Sindoor in 2025 to strike insurgent bases, Pakistan’s response was swift and strategically devastating. It reportedly downed multiple Indian aircraft—Rafales, Mirage 2000s, and SU-30MKIs—using J-10Cs equipped with PL-15 long-range missiles. Supported by Chinese AWACS and electromagnetic warfare units, Pakistan neutralized the attack with minimal losses. Were these exaggerated claims? Possibly. But independent imagery confirmed at least three Indian aircraft losses. For once, narrative control in the region tilted decisively toward Pakistan.
How does all this culminate? It leads to one unambiguous conclusion. The Pakistan military has transformed from a reactive, survivalist institution into a sophisticated, digitally integrated, battle-proven force—on land, at sea, in the skies, and now, increasingly, in cyberspace. It is no longer just a South Asian power—it is a strategic actor with global deterrence value.
Whether navigating the snow-covered peaks of Kashmir, the electromagnetic spectrum of digital war, or the economic chokepoints of the Arabian Sea, the Pakistan Armed Forces operate with clarity, maturity, and technological depth. They are not preparing for war—they are ready for it.
And for any adversary, the calculus has changed. Because when you contemplate war with Pakistan, you’re no longer facing a single nation. You are confronting a military-industrial matrix, battle-forged by history, reinforced by technology, and shielded by alliances. The message is unmistakable: Pakistan military is operating at the next level.
Pakistan News
Pakistan gets highest coverage of tetanus, diphtheria, pertussis: UN

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan has achieved its highest-ever coverage of diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis (DTP) at 87 percent in 2024, and the UN specialised agencies hope Pakistan to launch its human papillomavirus (HPV) in 2025, according to data for 2024 released by Unicef and WHO on Tuesday.
The data shows South Asia has reached its highest-ever immunisation coverage for children, according to new data released by WHO and Unicef for 2024. This marks a milestone in the region’s drive to protect every child from vaccine-preventable diseases, the UN agencies say.
The new data shows strong government commitments, investments, and partnerships have propelled South Asia to achieve its highest-ever immunisation coverage.
In 2024, 92pc of the infants in the region received their third dose of the diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis (DTP) vaccine, a crucial global indicator of vaccination progress.
Pakistan may become the only country in the world having poliovirus, Health Minister Mustafa Kamal tells Senate
This marks a two percentage point increase since 2023. During the same period, the proportion of children receiving their first dose of DTP increased from 93pc to 95pc.
These figures show a strong bounce back, surpassing pre-Covid levels — reflecting efforts of the South Asian governments to prioritise children’s health.
Additionally, there was a 27pc reduction in the number of children who did not receive a single dose of the vaccine, also known as zero-dose children, decreasing from 2.5 million to 1.8 million in a year.
“This is a proud moment for South Asia. More children are protected today than ever before, thanks to tireless frontline health workers, strong government leadership, donors’ and partners’ support and the unwavering trust of families,” said Unicef Regional Director for South Asia, Sanjay Wijesekera.
“But we cannot forget the millions of children who are under-vaccinated or unvaccinated. Now is the time to push further, especially into the most rural areas, to give every child his or her right to healthcare in the earliest years of life,” he said.
However, while the region made leaps in immunising children in 2024, more than 2.9 million children remain un- and under-vaccinated and, therefore, unprotected. With this in mind, Unicef and WHO have urged governments in South Asia to sustain political commitment and increase domestic financing for immunisation.
‘Only country with poliovirus prevalence’
In a separate development, Health Minister Mustafa Kamal told Senate on Tuesday Pakistan might become the only country having poliovirus as in Afghanistan polio vaccination drive face no hurdles and people there are not refusing to vaccinate their children against the crippling disease.
Replying to a calling-attention notice in the Senate, the health minister said that apart from Kandahar, there is door-to-door campaign being held across Afghanistan.
“In Kandahar announcements are made at mosques and people are called to come and get their children administered polio drops in mosques,” he said.
The calling-attention notice was moved by Senator Abdul Shakoor Khan who said that polio cases are being reported and there are misconceptions regarding the disease and suggested that religious scholars must be involved to play their role for curbing the disease.
Mr Kamal said that Pakistan and Afghanistan are the only two countries of the world where polio cases are being reported.
He said he himself went to Balochistan to discuss the issue of polio. Last year, he said, 79 cases of polio were reported and this year only 14 cases have been reported so far out of which five cases have been found in Bannu where there were people who had refused to get their children vaccinated.
He said there is a perception that there is resistance against polio drive in Afghanistan, but the fact is that an extensive polio drive is going on in Afghanistan to eradicate the disease.
He said that earlier police were being used to ensure administration of polio vaccine in Pakistan, but he has stopped it and now influencers of the area are being used to convince the people that they should save the lives of their children and get their children vaccinated.
Published in Dawn, July 16th, 2025
Pakistan News
FBI adds Iran’s envoy to Pakistan to most wanted list

The US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has added Iran’s ambassador to Pakistan, Reza Amiri Moghadam, to its Most Wanted list for his alleged involvement in the 2007 abduction of retired FBI agent Robert A. “Bob” Levinson, who disappeared after travelling to Iran’s Kish Island.
On Tuesday evening, the FBI’s Washington Field Office released ‘seeking information’ posters identifying three senior Iranian intelligence officials alleged to have played key roles in Levinson’s disappearance and in efforts to conceal Tehran’s involvement.
Ambassador Moghadam — also known as Ahmad Amirinia — previously headed the operations unit of Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS), during which time he oversaw agents operating across Europe. He now serves as Iran’s top diplomat in Islamabad.
According to the FBI, Moghadam is suspected of supervising the operation that led to Levinson’s abduction and later taking part in the cover-up. Levinson, a retired FBI special agent, arrived on Kish Island on 8 March 2007 and went missing the following day.
In a statement, the FBI said the posters were released as part of an ongoing investigation into Iranian officials “who allegedly played roles in Bob’s abduction and Iran’s attempt to obfuscate its responsibility”.
The two other officials named are:
Taghi Daneshvar, also known as Sayyed Taghi Ghaemi, a senior MOIS counter-espionage officer who reportedly supervised Mohammad Baseri — also known as Sanai — around the time Levinson disappeared.
Gholamhossein Mohammadnia, a senior MOIS deputy who served as Iran’s ambassador to Albania in 2016. He was expelled from Albania in December 2018 for allegedly “damaging its national security”. The FBI claims he led efforts to shift blame for Levinson’s disappearance to a terrorist group in Pakistan’s Balochistan region.
“These three intelligence officers were among those who allegedly facilitated Bob’s 2007 abduction and the subsequent cover-up by the Iranian government,” said Steven Jensen, Assistant Director in Charge of the FBI’s Washington Field Office. “Bob likely later perished in captivity far away from his family, friends, and colleagues.”
Images and a video showing Levinson in captivity surfaced in 2010 and 2011, but there has been no confirmed sighting of him since. In March 2025, the US Department of the Treasury imposed sanctions on Moghadam and several others in connection with the case.
The FBI maintains that its investigation remains active as it seeks to identify further Iranian officials involved in the abduction. While Pakistani authorities have not been linked to the incident, the case now has a direct connection to Islamabad through Moghadam’s diplomatic posting.
Pakistan News
THE spiral of violence in Balochistan continues, with the barbaric murder of at least nine individuals on Thursday.

The victims were pulled off two Punjab-bound buses travelling between Zhob and Loralai districts, and reportedly, the assailants checked their IDs before offloading them. The banned Balochistan Liberation Front has claimed responsibility for this atrocity.
This is not the first outrage of its kind, as over the past few years, there have been several incidents where non-Baloch victims have been targeted by separatists. Most of the victims have hailed from Punjab. On Friday, the bodies of the slain passengers were sent to their native areas.
Earlier on Thursday, the army, at the corps commanders’ conference, had vowed to take action against proxies they believed were linked to hostile foreign forces, including Fitna al-Khawarij and Fitna al-Hindustan, the terms the military uses for the banned TTP and Baloch separatist groups, respectively. Both strands of militancy have their peculiar dynamics, which require targeted counterterrorism strategies to deal with.
Where Balochistan is concerned, there can be no justification for such gruesome killings, and the elements involved must be brought to justice. No cause can justify targeting innocent people — often from working-class backgrounds — who have come to Balochistan to make an honest living. In this regard the province’s nationalist forces that believe in working within the constitutional framework must clearly condemn the heinous murders of non-Baloch individuals.
It is also a fact that such grave crimes only end up hurting Balochistan, as talented individuals — teachers, doctors, engineers — will stay away from the province due to security concerns. Moreover, such violent episodes have a negative impact on Baloch citizens working or studying in other provinces, as these individuals face increased discrimination.
While strong CT efforts are needed to uproot the terrorist networks responsible for such massacres, in the long run a securitised approach alone will not solve Balochistan’s militancy issues. Terrorist groups — whether local or foreign-backed — must be pursued and neutralised, but there needs to be a parallel political process in the province, while the local population’s genuine demands — regarding enforced disappearances, underdevelopment, lack of opportunities — must be addressed by the state. Separatists exploit these issues, accusing the state of not caring for the average Baloch.
The administration must prove these assertions wrong by encouraging political dialogue in the province, and addressing the socioeconomic concerns of the people. There can be no denying that most parts of the province are vastly underdeveloped, particularly where health and education are concerned. Hostile foreign actors will only exploit these weaknesses, which is why the state must address the issues with honesty. Long-term security can only be achieved when there is equitable development across Balochistan.
Published in Dawn, July 12th, 2025
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