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Iran on the Brink of a Ground War

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Frustration is now visible on all sides of the U.S.-Israel war against Iran. After weeks of bombardment, strategic signaling, and diplomatic theater, the central objectives publicly associated with Washington and Tel Aviv still appear only partially achieved. The Strait of Hormuz remains the decisive choke point, Iranian retaliatory capacity has not been extinguished, and the war has entered its second month with fresh troop deployments rather than a settled outcome. Reuters reported on March 30 that thousands of U.S. Army paratroopers from the 82nd Airborne had arrived in the Middle East, joining Marines and other forces already in theater, while officials acknowledged that these deployments increase capacity for possible incursions into Iranian territory, including operations linked to Kharg Island and Hormuz security.
That is why the current moment is so dangerous. Even if a full-scale invasion still remains unlikely, the line between a “limited mission” and an expanding war is historically thin. The United States may initially contemplate a narrow ground operation: seizure of a strategic island, raids on coastal batteries threatening shipping, or even a special operation linked to Iran’s uranium stockpile. Yet history shows that once a great power commits troops and begins receiving body bags in return, its political logic changes. Retaliation produces counter-retaliation. A war presented as surgical starts demanding prestige, vengeance, and escalation. Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan all demonstrated that limited entry rarely guarantees limited exit.
The strategic motives behind such a move are not difficult to understand. Kharg Island is Iran’s principal oil export hub. The Strait of Hormuz carries a huge share of the world’s seaborne oil trade. Control of both would give Washington leverage over global energy flows while denying Tehran its most potent geoeconomic weapon.
At the same time, Iran’s expanding stockpile of highly enriched uranium remains a central concern. Reuters, citing the IAEA, reported earlier this month that Iran held about 440.9 kilograms of uranium enriched up to 60%, material that in theory could be further enriched for roughly 10 nuclear weapons. That figure alone explains why any U.S. operational planning would include not only maritime control and coercive strikes, but also thoughts of raids tied to nuclear assets.
But Iran is not waiting passively for such a contingency. Its parliament speaker has warned that Tehran sees public talk of negotiations as a cover for secret planning for a land assault, and Iranian leaders have vowed to burn any invading force and punish regional partners. Whether or not every Iranian threat is executable, the central point stands: Iran has prepared for attritional resistance, dispersal, underground storage, missile retaliation, drones, and proxy expansion. That means even a limited U.S. ground assault would not occur in a vacuum. It would likely trigger attacks on American bases, shipping lanes, partner infrastructure, and perhaps multiple secondary fronts beyond Iran itself.
This is why the destruction of civilian infrastructure now being threatened is so morally revealing. If ports, roads, bridges, refineries, and power systems are systematically targeted, the principal victims will not be the bunker-protected leadership or deeply buried military networks. The true burden will fall upon ordinary Iranians who never built shelters, never planned for prolonged blackout, and never volunteered to become the human cushion of a geopolitical struggle. Iranian missiles have already damaged Israel’s Haifa refinery complex and widening regional attacks affecting energy installations and bases. Such escalation shows that the war is moving beyond military targets into the economic bloodstream of entire societies.
The illusion that negotiations will easily stop this spiral is also fading. Pakistan has emerged as the most active intermediary, hosting regional discussions and preparing to facilitate U.S.-Iran talks in the coming days. Yet the diplomatic gap remains profound. Washington has promoted a 15-point framework; Iran has publicly rejected it and insists on sovereignty, security, and an end to attacks. Reuters noted on March 30 that Islamabad is preparing to host these efforts, but there was still no confirmation that any direct, substantive breakthrough had been achieved. In other words, the parties remain boxed inside terms that each side fears would amount to capitulation.
Meanwhile, the battlefield itself is expanding horizontally. Israel has widened pressure in Lebanon, the Houthis are threatening to reopen a Red Sea front, and the Saudi dimension has already become more exposed after Iran-linked strikes wounded U.S. personnel at Prince Sultan Air Base. Once Hormuz and the Red Sea are both destabilized, the consequences no longer belong only to Tehran, Tel Aviv, or Washington. They belong to Europe, Asia, Australia, South America, and every economy dependent on fuel, shipping insurance, manufacturing inputs, and stable freight routes. Reuters reported that the war’s energy shock is already dimming the outlook for many economies, according to the IMF.
In this background, four scenarios emerge. The first, and in my judgment the most likely, is a prolonged air-maritime war without a deep occupation of Iran. In this scenario, Washington and Israel continue heavy strikes while avoiding the political and military cost of trying to march into Iran’s interior. The second is a limited U.S. ground raid or seizure of a strategic site such as Kharg Island or coastal launch areas near Hormuz. The third is a negotiated de-escalation through Pakistani and regional mediation. The fourth, least likely but most catastrophic, is a broader regime-change campaign with sustained U.S. ground presence inside Iran.
My own estimate is this: a prolonged high-intensity war without major occupation carries about a 45% probability; a limited ground incursion about 25%; negotiated de-escalation about 20%; and a broad regime-change invasion about 10%. Those figures are not certainties, only judgments based on current force posture, public rhetoric, and the historical reluctance of Washington to bear the cost of long occupation when air and naval coercion can still be intensified. But the most important warning is that even a 25% chance of limited ground action contains within it the seed of a much wider war. Once U.S. boots hit Iranian soil and resistance produces American casualties, domestic pressure in Washington may drive escalation far beyond the original mission.
If the United States “wins,” it may reopen shipping, damage Iran’s missile and naval capacity, and perhaps enforce a new nuclear arrangement. But such a win would still leave behind an unstable region, a humiliated but not necessarily pacified society, and a new cycle of insurgent or proxy retaliation. If Iran holds the line and turns even limited ground operations into a grinding trap, the defeat would be historic, not merely military but psychological, undermining U.S.-Israeli coercive credibility across the region. If negotiations somehow succeed, the outcome will not be friendship. It will be an ugly compromise designed to stop the bleeding.
That is why the world stands at a catastrophic juncture. The danger is not only that a ground assault may occur. The greater danger is that once it begins, no one may be able to keep it limited. The war planners may speak the language of optionality, precision, and controlled force. History speaks a different language. It says that powerful states often enter wars believing they can calibrate violence, only to discover that resistance, pride, and fear rapidly seize control. Let us hope that this time the diplomats win before the generals do, because once the ground war begins, peace may become far more expensive than anyone now imagines.

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How Iran War Is Grounding the World Economy

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The war in the Middle East has now moved far beyond the battlefield. What initially appeared as a regional military confrontation has evolved into a systemic global crisis—one that is tightening its grip not only on governments and markets, but on ordinary people struggling to sustain daily life. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz, combined with targeted disruption of oil infrastructure, has triggered a cascading breakdown across energy supply chains, aviation networks, and tourism-dependent economies. The world is no longer merely watching a war; it is experiencing its economic consequences in real time.
At the center of this unfolding crisis lies the global jet fuel market—a sector often overlooked in geopolitical analysis, yet one that sustains the arteries of globalization. Prior to the conflict, global jet fuel demand had recovered strongly, reaching approximately 107 billion gallons annually in 2024, with projections climbing to nearly 7.2 million barrels per day by early 2026. This demand was supported by a finely balanced supply network spanning North America, Asia, and the Middle East. Today, that balance has been violently disrupted.
The Middle East, which typically contributes around 20% of global jet fuel supply, has seen a dramatic collapse in its effective output. War-related damage to refineries, combined with the strategic closure of the Strait of Hormuz, has removed an estimated 320,000 tons of jet fuel per day from global circulation. At the same time, approximately 3 million barrels per day of refining capacity across the الخليج region has either been shut down or rendered inoperable. This is not a marginal disruption—it is a structural shock to the global energy system.
Jet fuel prices have responded accordingly. Within weeks, prices surged from approximately $85–90 per barrel to well above $200, representing one of the sharpest increases in modern energy market history. For the aviation industry, where fuel accounts for up to one-third of operating costs, this is nothing short of catastrophic. Airlines are no longer operating in a demand-driven environment; they are navigating a survival crisis defined by cost pressures and supply scarcity.
The impact is most visible in Europe, where the aviation sector—and by extension, the tourism economy—is deeply exposed. Europe imports roughly 25–30% of its jet fuel from the Persian Gulf. With supply lines disrupted, airlines have begun aggressive capacity cuts. Major carriers have canceled thousands of flights ahead of the critical summer season. Lufthansa alone has reportedly removed tens of thousands of flights from its schedule, while other carriers are grounding aircraft, optimizing routes, and operating only essential services.
This contraction strikes at the heart of Europe’s economic model. Tourism is not a peripheral sector; it is a foundational pillar. The continent generates between $600 and $700 billion annually from tourism, supporting millions of jobs and contributing significantly to GDP in countries such as Spain, Italy, France, and Greece. This entire ecosystem depends on affordable, reliable air travel. Without it, hotels remain empty, restaurants lose customers, and entire regional economies begin to contract.
The crisis is not confined to Europe. In Asia-Pacific, where airlines depend heavily on Middle Eastern fuel flows, the situation is even more acute. Carriers have entered emergency operational modes, securing limited fuel supplies and preparing for prolonged disruption. Even in the United States—buffered by its status as a major producer—airlines face massive financial strain. Leading carriers have warned of billions of dollars in additional fuel costs, threatening profitability and forcing difficult operational decisions.
What makes this crisis particularly dangerous is its compounding nature. Aviation is not only about passenger mobility; it is a critical component of global trade. High-value goods, pharmaceuticals, and time-sensitive cargo depend on air freight. As flight capacity shrinks, supply chains tighten, prices rise, and inflationary pressures intensify. Indeed, energy analysts have already warned that this crisis could add nearly 0.8% to global inflation—an alarming figure in an already fragile economic environment.
Meanwhile, the maritime dimension of the conflict is adding further instability. The Strait of Hormuz, through which nearly one-fifth of the world’s oil supply normally passes, has become a contested zone. Tankers are being intercepted, diverted, and in some cases seized. Insurance costs have soared, discouraging shipping companies from entering the region. Even where fuel is available, the ability to transport it safely has become uncertain.
China’s position offers a temporary buffer but not immunity. With substantial strategic reserves and a diversified energy portfolio, including large-scale investments in renewable energy, China can withstand short-term shocks. However, as the world’s manufacturing hub, any prolonged disruption will inevitably impact its output. A slowdown in Chinese production would have global consequences, affecting supply chains and economic growth worldwide.
This brings into focus a critical strategic question: what is the underlying objective of this disruption? One interpretation—gaining increasing traction—is that the closure of the Strait of Hormuz is not merely a byproduct of conflict, but a strategic lever. By constraining Middle Eastern supply, global demand is redirected toward alternative producers, most notably the United States. Over the past decade, the U.S. has transformed into a leading exporter of oil and liquefied natural gas. In a constrained market, its leverage increases significantly.
For Iran, the situation presents a profound strategic dilemma. Maintaining the closure of the Strait exerts pressure on adversaries but simultaneously inflicts economic pain on the wider world. Reopening the waterway, on the other hand, could reposition Iran as a stabilizing force while exposing the broader dynamics at play. It would restore global supply flows, ease economic pressures, and potentially shift international opinion.
From a strategic standpoint, reopening Hormuz could neutralize the leverage derived from disruption. It would deny the United States to exploit scarcity and would reestablish a degree of economic normalcy. More importantly, it would demonstrate that stability—not disruption—is the stronger strategic position in an interconnected global system.
The world today is facing more than an energy crisis. It is confronting the fragility of a system built on uninterrupted flows—of fuel, goods, people, and capital. When one critical node collapses, the effects ripple outward, disrupting industries and livelihoods across continents.
If the current trajectory continues, the consequences will be severe. Aviation networks may contract further, tourism economies could enter recession, and global trade may slow significantly. Inflationary pressures will rise, and economic uncertainty will deepen. What began as a regional conflict risks becoming a global economic turning point.
The solution lies not in escalation, but in recalibration. Restoring the free flow of energy through critical waterways, stabilizing supply chains, and reengaging in meaningful diplomacy are essential steps. The alternative is a prolonged period of economic disruption with far-reaching consequences.
The Strait of Hormuz is no longer just a geographic chokepoint. It has become the pivot on which the global economy now turns.

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Aftermath of Iran-US War and A. J. Muste’s Quotes:

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There is No Way to Peace, Peace is the Way

Akhtar Hussain Sandhu

Chicago (USA)

[email protected]

Iran-US War and Islamabad peace facilitation prompt me to recall the famous quotes of Abraham Johannes Muste, a US-based civil rights and anti-nuclear-weapons activist. To him, nothing can lead to peace, but peace, in fact, facilitates a positive change in relations therefore, not circumstances or ways, but ‘peace’ itself proves a nucleus of attention in the crisis-packed situation in a society or world. Social scientists usually count the factors and circumstances leading to peace in a conflict at the societal and international level, but A. J. Muste believes that ‘peace’ is the greatest force that attracts rival protagonists to create understanding and end conflict. A. J. Muste opposed World War I and the US-Vietnam War and also opposed nuclear weaponry. He worked zealously and nonviolently for labor rights and civil liberties in the United States. The US-Israel led war against Iran on 28 February 2026 caused a catastrophic results and the continuous bombing destroyed Iran’s civil infrastructure, and approximately 180 schoolgirls were killed in an aerial attack. It was condemned by the masses in the US and other countries. Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz as a war tactic, which created a global oil crisis, and all countries’ economies experienced an overnight major setback. The US President changed his initial war objectives and focused on the reopening of the Hormuz because multiple nations were bashing the US President for his unethical war mongering ambition, which caused the energy crisis. US President Donald Trump first decided to isolate the US from this dangerous drive and declared that the affected countries should send their troops to open this sea route for their vessels, but in April 2026, he issued a furious statement that if Iran did not open the Strait of Hormuz, it would be eliminated from the earth. It caused panic in the world because this message meant a nuclear attack on Iran. If it happened, any power could justify the use of nuclear weapons against the rival country, and the world could be an unsafe and hellish place. It could also convince every country, including Iran, to have nuclear weapons in future because having nuclear weaponry was to be left as the only option to survive against a rival nuclear power. However, Pakistan, China, Russia, Egypt, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, enjoying cordial relations with the US and Iran, ultimately brought a truce of two weeks, and both countries consented to dialogue in Islamabad on 10 April. Army Chief Gen. Asim Munir, PM Mian Shahbaz Sharif, and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar from Pakistan played a pivotal role in the ongoing parleys between the rival leaders. The ceasefire created an environment in which both camps claimed victory, and both seemed busy proving their military strength and muscles, but despite all, they are heading towards peace through dialogue. Threatening Statements by the US President even before a day before the negotiations is an evidence that the agreement (if it is concluded) would be presented as Iran’s surrender before the US might. A. J. Muste quotes that not circumstances, but ‘peace’ itself pushed the rival forces away from the battlefield. Once, a reporter questioned his presence as a protest in front of the White House: ” Can you change the White House? A. J. Muste replied. ‘I don’t do this to change the country. I do this so the country would not change me.’ The ruling elite always use the name of ‘state’ to change the people as it desires, but the state’s predilections change with the passage of time; therefore, to curb the citizens proves havoc for the social fabric. Dissatisfied masses can hardly produce a beneficial human resource that truly serves a nation. A. J. Must says that the problem after a war is that the victor shows the fight has brought a bright future, and war has paid the nation a lot. In their perception, the war was a new form of reform that would ensure prosperity and psychological pride for the people. Iran and the USA have both been claiming victories and asserting that the conflict has brought blessings. Both countries closed their eyes to the human sufferings and loss of innocent lives, wealth, economy, infrastructure, and hatred generated against each other. Peace proved its importance and motivated them to approach the neutral countries for a ceasefire, which means the war had crippled both the rivals to the extent that they were unable to talk even of ‘peace’, which shows the weakness and impotency of the so-called victors. A. J. Muste opines that no big power in the war accepts itself as an aggressor; instead, it is always the rival that is the aggressor.’ However, I think that every fighting country thinks of itself as a big force, therefore both become ‘big powers’ under their own justifications. Look at the arguments of the US and Iran that have been justifying their righteousness and aggression toward the rival according to their own national narratives. None of them is ready to accept any lapse on the side. Perhaps it happens amid internal and external threats to the political leadership, who twist events and arguments to secure their political position and national morale. This is another form of stress and aggression against peace, humanity, and righteousness. For example, many US military and other officials refused to attack Iran who must be consulted about their current thinking on their decision. A. J. Muste says that peace is impossible if people are only concerned with peace. A war is an outcome of different ways of life. If people desire to attack war, they have to attack that way of life.’ A. J. Muste here can be disagreed because way of life is always different, which does not mean to be in a battlefield all the time. I think he wants to say that if people dislike war, they should change their vision to one of living in societies with divergent ways of life. This quote reflects Muste’s desire that prosperity and civil liberties can change society, and by this, war maneuvering can be suffocated. AJ Must was a member of the Fellowship of Reconciliation in the US, which struggled against war hysteria and the violation of civil liberties and for labor rights. He delivered lectures in different universities on the nonviolent struggle for rights. He joined the Montgomery Bus Boycott, led by Martin Luther King, Jr., in 1955. A. J. Muste’s struggle is still admired by Americans and Europeans because he worked selflessly for humanity, peace, and the dignity of all races.     

Writer is a US-based Historian & Colmunist

9 April 2026

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PM Shehbaz, Starmer Hold Key Call on Regional Security UK Backs Pakistan’s Peace Initiatives and Ceasefire Efforts

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Prime Minister’s Office
Media Wing

ISLAMABAD: 10 April 2026.

Prime Minister’s Telephone Call with Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the United Kingdom

Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif received a telephone call from Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, His Excellency Keir Starmer, this evening.

Prime Minister Starmer deeply appreciated Pakistan’s effective diplomatic efforts in facilitating the U.S.-Iran ceasefire, and the resumption of dialogue. He felicitated Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif on hosting the peace negotiations in Islamabad and offered his best wishes for the success of this endeavor.

Reaffirming Pakistan’s sincere commitment to regional peace and stability, Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif welcomed the joint statement issued by key European and international leaders, including Prime Minister Starmer, endorsing Pakistan’s peace initiatives.

Both leaders emphasized the importance of ensuring that the ceasefire remains in place and creates the necessary conditions for lasting peace and stability in the region.

The two leaders agreed to work together to lend fresh impetus to the longstanding friendly ties between Pakistan and the United Kingdom, across all spheres of mutual interest.

The Prime Minister reiterated his cordial invitation to Prime Minister Starmer to undertake an official visit to Pakistan.

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