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India and Pakistan just stepped back from the brink of war. Here’s how it unfolded

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Drones, Rafales, JF-17s, and scathing rebukes — India and Pakistan, both nuclear-armed states, witnessed one of their biggest escalations last week. While the neighbours are not new to conflict, this time, the breakdown in their relations was different, given the frequency and intensity of the aggression.

It began with the horrific killing of 26 tourists at a hill station in the Indian-occupied Kashmir. India blamed Pakistan for the attack, an accusation the latter denies. Islamabad has since called for an international independent probe into the massacre.

However, on the night of May 6-7, New Delhi took things a step forward and launched a series of air strikes on Pakistan, resulting in civilian casualties. Both sides then exchanged missiles, which stretched over the week. It took American intervention for both sides to finally drop their guns.

On Saturday, when tensions between the two countries peaked, US President Donald Trump announced that a ceasefire had been reached between India and Pakistan.

However, as a Dawn editorial puts it, “While foreign friends can certainly help create a conducive atmosphere, it is Islamabad and New Delhi that will have to do the heavy lifting themselves to secure peace.”

Here’s a timeline of how the latest conflict unfolded:

April 22: Gunmen shot and killed at least 26 tourists at Pahalgam resort in Indian-held Kashmir. At least 17 others are wounded. A group called Kashmir Resistance, which India accuses Pakistan of backing, claims the attack.

April 23: Pakistan’s foreign office released a statement expressing concern at the loss of tourists’ lives in the attack.

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In swift measures taken following the attack, India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) with Pakistan with immediate effect. The Attari border check post was closed, and Pakistanis in India under the Saarc Visa Exemption Scheme (SVES) had 48 hours to leave the country, while others could return by May 1. Defence personnel at the Pakistani High Commission in India were declared persona non grata and given a week to leave the country. The staff at the high commissions were also to be reduced.

Meanwhile, students from occupied Kashmir reported harassment and intimidation in other cities.

April 24: In its response, Pakistan called any attempt to stop or divert the flow of water per the IWT an “act of war”. In a slew of decisions, Islamabad suspended trade and closed the airspace with India. It also announced the closure of the Wagah border. Those who had crossed the border were ordered to return by April 30. All visas under the SVES issued to Indian nationals were cancelled with immediate effect, with the exception of Sikh religious pilgrims. Indian nationals in Pakistan at the time under SVES were instructed to exit within 48 hours.

Moreover, Pakistan also declared the Indian defence, naval and air advisers in Islamabad as persona non grata. They were directed to leave the country immediately, but not later than April 30, 2025. These posts in the Indian High Commission were deemed annulled. The support staff of these advisers were also directed to return to India. The strength of the Indian High Commission in Islamabad was to be reduced to 30 diplomats and staff members, with effect from April 30, 2025.

Meanwhile, the Indian Foreign Ministry announced that all Pakistani citizens in India must leave the country by April 29. India closed down the main border transit point and summoned Saad Ahmad Warraich, the top Pakistani diplomat in New Delhi. The Modi-led regime also blocked the Pakistani government’s X account in the country.

April 25: Indian and Pakistani troops exchanged fire overnight across the Line of Control (LoC) in Kashmir. Syed Ashfaq Gilani, a government official in Azad Kashmir, told AFP that there was no firing on the civilian population.

April 26: “Pakistan is open to participating in any neutral, transparent, and credible investigation (into the Pahalgam attack),” Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said.

He also drew a hard line on the issue of water resources, stressing continued water flow under the Indus Waters Treaty as a red line. “Water is a vital national interest of Pakistan, our lifeline,” he said. “Any attempt to stop, reduce, or divert the flow of water belonging to Pakistan under the Indus River Treaty would be responded to with full force and might.”

April 28: Pakistan and India continued trading fire across the Line of Control, with each blaming the other for provocation. On the other hand, Defence Minister Khawaja Asif said Pakistan was ready for any incursion by India.

He added that Pakistan was on high alert and that it would only use its arsenal of nuclear weapons if “there is a direct threat to our existence”.

Separately, the Indian government banned 16 Pakistani YouTube channels on recommendations from its Ministry of Home Affairs

April 29: Information Minister Attaullah Tarar said Pakistan had “credible intelligence” reports that indicated India was planning to conduct military action against Pakistan in the next 24 to 36 hours.

In a Senate session the same day, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar said Pakistan would not strike India but reserved the right to retaliate.

In India, Prime Minister Nar­endra Modi gave his military “operational freedom” to respond to the Pahalgam attack.

April 30: According to Associated Press of Pakistan, Pakistani security forces delivered a robust response to India’s unprovoked ceasefire violation along the LoC, destroying an Indian checkpost after late-night aggression on April 29-30.

Sources told APP that the retaliatory strikes destroyed several bunkers, including the Chakputra post in India-held Kashmir. Separately, state media also reported that a “timely and swift response” by the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) had forced four Indian Rafale jets to retreat.

Pakistan also briefly closed the airspace over Gilgit-Baltistan, while India shut its airspace for all Pakistan-registered aircraft, or those owned and operated by Pakistani airlines or operators, including military craft.

May 1: Army chief General Asim Munir warned that any “misadventure” by India would be met with a quick and decisive response.

“Let there be no ambiguity: any military misadventure by India will be met with a swift, resolute, and notch-up response. While Pakistan remains committed to regional peace, our preparedness and resolve to safeguard national interests are absolute,” he was quoted as saying by the Inter-Services Public Relations.

The same day, authorities stopped tourists from entering Neelum Valley and other sensitive areas near the LoC in view of the security situation. All religious seminaries in the region were also ordered to remain closed for 10 days, while the owners of hotels, guesthouses, restaurants, and marriage halls have pledged to place their establishments at the military’s disposal in case India launches an attack.

Pakistan also announced that certain sections of airspace over the two largest cities — Karachi and Lahore — would remain closed for eight hours a day throughout the month of May.

May 2: The Indian government blocked access to the official YouTube channel of Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif for users in India. It said the move was part of a wider crackdown on Pakistani digital content.

Separately, India also asked global multilateral agencies, including the IMF, to review funds and loans provided to Pakistan, as New Delhi sought “to corner the neighbouring state diplomatically”.

May 3: Pakistan conducted a successful training launch of the Abdali Weapon System, a surface-to-surface missile with a range of 450 kilometres.

The missiles were not fired toward the border area with India; they were normally fired into the Arabian Sea or the deserts of the southwest Balochistan province, the Associated Press reported.

AP added that India suspended the exchange of all mail from Pakistan through air and surface routes and banned the direct and indirect import of goods from the neighbour. It also barred Pakistani-flagged ships from entering its ports and prohibited Indian-flagged vessels from visiting Pakistani ports.

May 6-7: India launched Operation Sindoor, carrying out late-night missile strikes at six Pakistani sites, including Subhan Mosque in Bahawalpur’s Ahmedpur East, Bilal Mosque in Muzaffarabad, Abbas Mosque in Kotli, Umalkura Mosque in Muridke, the village of Kotki Lohara in Sialkot district, and Shakargarh. The Neelum-Jhelum Hydropower Project was shelled by Indian forces as well.

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Pakistan took down five Indian jets, including three Rafale planes. Eight civilian deaths, 35 injured people and one missing person were reported.

Subsequently, the National Security Committee authorised the country’s armed forces to respond to Indian aggression at “time and manner” of their choosing, while unprovoked firing and ceasefire violations by Indian forces continued at the Line of Control.

Meanwhile, 21 airports were shut in northern and north-western parts of India until May 10.

May 8: DG ISPR said Indian drones were neutralised in the following locations: Lahore, Attock, Gujranwala, Chakwal, Rawalpindi, Bahawalpur, Miano, Chhor, and near Karachi. Four army men were injured in this “serious serious provocation” by India, according to the military spokesperson. Around 30 drones were neutralised by Pakistan.

India’s government, on the other hand, claimed that 13 civilians were killed by Pakistani fire in “ceasefire violations” along their de facto border after violence escalated into artillery shelling following Indian strikes.

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The UN renewed its call for “maximum restraint”. Countries from all over the world began talks with leadership from both countries and expressed “deep concern” over the issue, while encouraging both countries to exercise restraint. Flight operations at Karachi, Islamabad, Sialkot and Lahore airports were suspended. In Delhi, 90 flights were cancelled.

May 9: DG ISPR said Pakistan neutralised 77 Israeli drones sent by India. “We are taking each one of them out. Not one of them has been able to go back to India, and not one of them will be able to go back,” he said in a press conference.

He further stated that “if you are so fond of Pakistan firing at you, we will fulfil your demand at a time, place and means of our choosing”. He added that 33 people were slain and 76 injured in Indian attacks.

On the other hand, Pakistan postponed eight remaining matches of the Pakistan Super League X, while the Indian Premier League 2025 was suspended for a week.

May 10: India targeted the PAF’s Nur Khan (Chaklala, Rawalpindi), Murid (Chakwal) and Rafiqui (Shorkot in Jhang district) air bases, but the majority of them were intercepted by Pakistan’s air defence systems. Soon after, the Pakistan Airports Authority announced the closure of the country’s airspace till noon.

In the wee hours of the day, Operation Bunyan-um-Marsoos was launched by Pakistan. In its response to Indian aggression, the military destroyed a storage site of the Brahmos missiles in India’s Beas region and the Udhampur airbase in India-occupied Kashmir as part of its retaliatory operation. According to Pakistani state media and security sources, Pakistan hit the following:

  • India’s power grid
  • Indian military intelligence’s training centre in IOK’s Rajouri
  • KG Top Brigade Headquarters
  • Uri field supply depot
  • Adampur, Udhampur, Pathankot, Suratgarh, Sirsa, Bhatinda and Halwara airfields, as well as the Akhnoor aviation base
  • S-400 system in Adampur,
  • Brahmos storage site in Beas
  • Artillery gun positions in Dehrangyari, occupied Kashmir’s Mankot
  • Indian posts directly opposite in the Phuklian sector
  • Rabtanwali Post, Jazeera Post Complex, Kafir Mehri, Shahpar 3, and Ghadar Top across the LoC

Amid the attacks from both ends, talks continued in the back-end. At around 5pm, US President Donald Trump announced that both India and Pakistan agreed to a full and immediate ceasefire. The same was also confirmed by both the neighbours.

Air traffic across Pakistan resumed later that night.

May 11: In a press conference, DG ISPR Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry paid tribute to those who were martyred in Indian aggression and their families, while praying for the speedy recovery of the wounded.

He confirmed that Pakistan hit 26 Indian targets, including their air force and aviation bases at Suratgarh, Sirsa, Adampur, Bhooj, Nalia, Bathinda, Barnala, Halwara, Avantipura, Srinagar, Jammu, Mamoon, Ambala, Udampur and Pathankot — all of which sustained major damage. He further added that the Barhmos facilities, which had fired missiles in Pakistan and killed innocent civilians, were also destroyed.

Dawn News

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Pakistan and the Trillion-Dollar Peace Dividend

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : At a moment when the world stood dangerously close to a wider regional inferno, Pakistan has emerged not merely as a bystander, but as one of the few states able to talk to all sides and keep diplomacy alive. As of April 15, 2026, there is still no final U.S.-Iran agreement, and no official ceasefire extension has been publicly confirmed. But Washington says fresh talks may happen in Pakistan within days, President Trump is signaling optimism, Pakistan’s military chief has been in Tehran, and regional diplomacy is now visibly revolving around Pakistani mediation. That alone marks a dramatic shift in Pakistan’s standing in the current geopolitical crisis.
The facts matter. The first 21-hour round of talks in Islamabad ended without a deal, with Vice President JD Vance saying Iran had not accepted core U.S. demands, especially on the nuclear issue. Yet Pakistan did not walk away after that setback. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif publicly said Pakistan’s “full effort” remained focused on ending the conflict, while Field Marshal Asim Munir traveled to Tehran in an attempt to narrow differences before the ceasefire expires. That is the real significance of Pakistan’s role: not that it solved the war in one stroke, but that it kept open the only serious diplomatic corridor after formal negotiations collapsed.
This matters because the war’s costs are no longer theoretical. The conflict that began on February 28 has already killed more than 5,000 people across the region. The repair costs to damaged energy infrastructure alone may reach as high as $58 billion. The Strait of Hormuz, through which about one-fifth of global oil and LNG normally passes, remains the central choke point in the conflict. Even after the April 8 ceasefire, traffic through Hormuz had at one stage fallen to less than 10% of normal, while ships and crews remained trapped and insurers, traders and governments braced for a prolonged shock.
That is why Pakistan’s diplomatic intervention should be understood not only in moral or political terms, but in financial ones. No government or international institution has yet issued an official dollar figure for what Pakistan has “saved.” Still, scenario-based calculations grounded in World Bank, IMF and Reuters reporting suggest that if Pakistan’s mediation helps convert the fragile ceasefire into a durable settlement, the avoided losses could plausibly run from the high hundreds of billions into the low trillions. This is not propaganda; it is what the macroeconomic numbers imply.
Start with global growth. The IMF cut its 2026 global growth forecast to 3.1% because of the war and warned that, in a severe scenario, growth could fall to 2.0%. The World Bank separately warned that even in a best case the war could shave 0.3 to 0.4 percentage points off global growth, and as much as 1 point in a prolonged conflict. WTTC data showing global travel and tourism alone contributed $11.7 trillion in 2025, equal to 10.3% of global GDP, implying a world economy of roughly $113.6 trillion. On that basis, preventing a 0.3–0.4 point hit means protecting roughly $341 billion to $454 billion of global output. Preventing a 1-point hit protects about $1.14 trillion. Preventing the IMF’s 1.1-point slide from 3.1% to 2.0% implies roughly $1.25 trillion in avoided output loss.
And that is only the macro layer. Add the already-estimated $58 billion energy repair bill, the IMF’s warning that more than a dozen countries may need $20 billion to $50 billion in support, the World Bank’s preparedness to mobilize $80 billion to $100 billion for war-hit economies, and the UNDP estimate that just $6 billion in emergency support could keep 32 million people from falling into poverty due to the war-driven energy shock. Even before counting military fuel, munitions, deployment costs, higher insurance, rerouted shipping, lost industrial output and inflation spillovers, the visible tally of avoided or containable damage quickly rises into the hundreds of billions.
Markets themselves are already pricing the value of diplomacy. Gulf stock markets rising on renewed hopes of U.S.-Iran talks, while Wall Street pushed to record highs as investors bet the worst might be avoided. Brent crude, though still elevated, has pulled back from the panic zone above $100 and hovered around $95 on April 15 as traders responded to the possibility of renewed negotiations. Eleven finance ministers meeting around the IMF-World Bank spring meetings called for full implementation of the ceasefire, warning that even if the shooting stops, the economic aftershocks on inflation, growth and debt will linger. That is the clearest evidence that diplomacy is not a symbolic exercise; it is already functioning as a stabilizing economic asset.
Pakistan’s importance in this crisis is therefore not accidental. It has managed to present itself as credible to Washington, acceptable to Tehran, relevant to Gulf capitals and increasingly necessary to wider regional diplomacy that now also involves Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. President Erdogan has openly referenced Pakistan’s mediator role, while the White House has acknowledged Pakistan as the likely venue for the next round. In a fractured region where many actors are aligned too heavily with one bloc or another, Pakistan’s value lies in being politically connected, militarily serious, diplomatically flexible and geographically impossible to ignore.
Still, the argument must remain grounded. Pakistan has not yet “saved the world” in any final sense, because the war is not formally over, the Hormuz issue is unresolved, Lebanon remains volatile, and the hardest questions — nuclear verification, sanctions, shipping access and war damages — are still on the table. The IAEA chief has warned that any real settlement will require detailed inspections, and Reuters says U.S. economic pressure on Iran is still intensifying even while diplomacy continues. So the credit Pakistan deserves today is not for a completed peace, but for preventing diplomatic collapse and preserving the one path that could still save the region from a second explosion.
If the second round succeeds, Pakistan’s diplomatic dividend will be immense. It will not simply have hosted talks; it will have helped prevent a wider energy shock, a deeper inflation spiral, further destruction across Iran and the region, and perhaps a global recession. In scenario terms, that would place Pakistan’s peace dividend somewhere between roughly $341 billion and $1.25 trillion in avoided world output loss, before adding infrastructure, humanitarian and fiscal savings. For a country long described as fragile, indebted and peripheral, that would be a stunning reversal. Pakistan may still be economically constrained, but in this crisis it has demonstrated something rarer than wealth: strategic usefulness. And in the modern world order, the country that can stop a war may matter more than the country that can afford one.

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Pakistan’s Peace Window Reopens

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : After a tense pause in talks between Iran and the United States held in Islamabad on April 11, and to the relief of the entire world, diplomacy has not died; it has simply entered a more difficult and consequential phase, with Pakistan once again emerging as the venue where war-weary rivals may still search for an exit.
The collapse of the first round of direct U.S.-Iran talks in Pakistan did not end diplomacy. It exposed how far apart the two sides still are, but it also showed that both Washington and Tehran believe the crisis is too dangerous to leave to military logic alone. On April 14, President Donald Trump said a second round of talks in Pakistan could happen “over the next two days,” while U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres called it “highly probable” that negotiations would restart. Pakistan’s finance minister, Muhammad Aurangzeb, also said the country’s leadership was “not giving up” and would keep pursuing dialogue.
That is the real story of the moment. The first session in Islamabad may have ended without a deal, but it was not a diplomatic failure in the larger sense. Vice President JD Vance himself struck a more optimistic tone on April 14, saying negotiators had made “a ton of progress,” that Iranian negotiators appeared to want a deal, and that he felt “very good” about where things stood. That is a very different message from a final rupture. It suggests the breakdown was procedural and substantive, not terminal. The gap remains wide, especially over enrichment, inspections, and access, but the process is alive.
Pakistan’s importance has therefore grown rather than diminished. It hosted the first direct U.S.-Iran discussion in nearly half a century, won public praise from Guterres, and is now being openly discussed again as the venue for the next round. In diplomacy, trust is measured less by ceremony than by repetition. If two adversaries return to the same table in the same country after a failed first round, that country has already scored a quiet but significant success. Pakistan’s role is no longer symbolic; it is becoming operational.
The reason the world cares so intensely is obvious. The war has already imposed a severe economic shock. Reuters reported that Wall Street rallied sharply on April 14 because investors interpreted talk of renewed negotiations as a sign that the worst-case scenario might still be avoided. The S&P 500 rose 1.17%, the Nasdaq jumped 1.95%, and Brent crude fell 4.6% to $94.79 while WTI dropped nearly 8% to $91.20. Markets were not celebrating peace; they were pricing in the possibility that diplomacy might prevent a wider catastrophe.
The IMF’s warning makes the stakes even clearer. It cut its 2026 growth forecast for the Middle East and North Africa to 1.1%, with Iran’s economy projected to contract 6.1%, and warned that the conflict is already inflicting broad damage through disrupted shipping, damaged infrastructure, and energy insecurity. In other words, this is no longer a regional war with merely regional costs. It has become a global economic threat touching inflation, shipping, fertilizer, fuel, and food systems far beyond the battlefield.
That is why the Strait of Hormuz remains central to everything. About one-fifth of the world’s oil trade normally passes through that corridor, and both the war and the subsequent U.S. blockade of Iranian ports have turned it into the most sensitive chokepoint in the global economy. Reuters reported that Britain and France are now preparing a 40-country diplomatic effort focused on restoring freedom of navigation, while refusing to simply fold themselves into the American approach. That alone tells us how far the crisis has widened: even close U.S. allies are now building parallel frameworks to contain the fallout.
Washington’s own posture reflects strain. Publicly, U.S. officials remain firm. Vance has repeated that Iran cannot be allowed to retain a path to nuclear weapons capability, and reports from CBS and the Washington Post indicate that Washington pushed a demand for a long suspension of uranium enrichment, alongside wider restrictions. But firmness is not the same as appetite for endless war. The very fact that the White House is signaling renewed talks so quickly after the first round shows that military pressure alone has not delivered closure. It has created leverage, but not resolution.
Iran, for its part, is also signaling that it has not shut the door. Tehran continues to insist on its rights under international law and rejects maximalist U.S. demands, but its willingness to return to talks in Pakistan indicates that it still sees diplomacy as useful, especially if the alternative is a prolonged economic siege and continued strategic pressure. Guterres’ remarks, Pakistan’s continued engagement, and Trump’s own public comments all point in the same direction: neither side believes this crisis can be settled quickly through coercion alone.
Parallel diplomacy is also unfolding on another front, though with far less certainty. Israel and Lebanon held their first direct talks in decades in Washington on April 14, under U.S. auspices and with Secretary of State Marco Rubio participating. The talks produced agreement to continue discussions, but they also immediately revealed their core weakness: Hezbollah rejects the track, and rocket fire resumed even as diplomacy was being launched. That does not make the talks meaningless, but it does mean they cannot by themselves end the violence unless they eventually alter the military and political calculations of the armed actors on the ground.
So the regional picture is mixed. On one side, there is cautious diplomatic movement: Pakistan trying to bring Washington and Tehran back together, Europe preparing a post-crisis Hormuz framework, and Washington opening a rare direct Israel-Lebanon channel. On the other side, there is still active fighting, deep mistrust, maritime disruption, and a massive humanitarian toll. AP reported that more than 2,100 people have been killed in Lebanon and more than a million displaced, while the broader war has killed thousands in Iran and continued to wound U.S. forces. These realities make optimism necessary, but premature triumphalism dangerous.
What Pakistan can claim, however, is substantial. It has shown itself capable of hosting high-risk diplomacy with professionalism and enough credibility that both parties are prepared to consider returning. For a country often described internationally through the language of instability, this is a valuable reversal of narrative. Pakistan is being seen not as a bystander to chaos, but as a facilitator of de-escalation. That does not guarantee success, but it does restore diplomatic relevance.
The next 48 hours matter because they will test whether the first Islamabad round was merely an opening probe or the foundation of a real process. If talks resume, markets will likely read that as the strongest signal yet that a broader settlement remains possible. If they do not, the war economy, maritime insecurity, and political fragmentation now spreading from Tehran to Washington to Europe will deepen. For now, the most important fact is simple: the door is still open, and Pakistan is still holding it.

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Pakistan High Commission Partners with Gerrys for UK Consular Services New Facilitation Centres to Enhance Access for Overseas Pakistanis

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During a solemn ceremony held today, the High Commission for Pakistan signed a landmark agreement with Gerrys Visa Services Ltd., designating the latter as the sole authorized partner for establishing a network of Facilitation Centres to provide Consular Services across the United Kingdom. The initiative has been undertaken in line with the approval of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and aims to enhance the accessibility and efficiency of consular services for the Pakistani community throughout the country.

The initiative marks a major step forward in the High Commission’s commitment to serving the two million strong Pakistani diaspora in the UK. Under the agreement, Gerrys Visas Services Ltd. will operate the only authorized service centres nationwide, enabling overseas Pakistanis to access a wide range of consular services, including the processing of visas, passports, NADRA related documents, and attestation services.

Speaking on the occasion, the High Commissioner for Pakistan, Dr. Muhammad Faisal, stated, “this partnership is about putting overseas Pakistanis first. By decentralizing these essential services through authorized partners like Gerrys, we are eliminating the burden of long distance travel and making consular access faster, safer, and more convenient.”

At the same time, a key objective of the agreement is to combat the growing menace of unauthorized and fraudulent visa and NADRA facilitation centres operating across the UK, which have been charging exorbitant fees and perpetrating scams that harm vulnerable applicants. The new framework will also help prevent data pilferage by ensuring that personal information is no longer provided to unapproved entities.

Mr. Afzal Wali Muhammad, Chairman of Gerrys Visa Services Ltd., expressed that the company is honoured to be entrusted as the single authorised partner for this transformative project. He pledged to ensure world-class, transparent, and secure services for the Pakistani community across the UK.

The first Gerrys Visa Services Ltd. Facilitation Centre will be inaugurated in May 2026, with a phased expansion planned to establish a comprehensive presence across all major regions of the United Kingdom. Further details regarding locations, services, and appointment procedures will be announced in the coming weeks.

London
13th April, 2026

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