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India and Pakistan just stepped back from the brink of war. Here’s how it unfolded

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Drones, Rafales, JF-17s, and scathing rebukes — India and Pakistan, both nuclear-armed states, witnessed one of their biggest escalations last week. While the neighbours are not new to conflict, this time, the breakdown in their relations was different, given the frequency and intensity of the aggression.

It began with the horrific killing of 26 tourists at a hill station in the Indian-occupied Kashmir. India blamed Pakistan for the attack, an accusation the latter denies. Islamabad has since called for an international independent probe into the massacre.

However, on the night of May 6-7, New Delhi took things a step forward and launched a series of air strikes on Pakistan, resulting in civilian casualties. Both sides then exchanged missiles, which stretched over the week. It took American intervention for both sides to finally drop their guns.

On Saturday, when tensions between the two countries peaked, US President Donald Trump announced that a ceasefire had been reached between India and Pakistan.

However, as a Dawn editorial puts it, “While foreign friends can certainly help create a conducive atmosphere, it is Islamabad and New Delhi that will have to do the heavy lifting themselves to secure peace.”

Here’s a timeline of how the latest conflict unfolded:

April 22: Gunmen shot and killed at least 26 tourists at Pahalgam resort in Indian-held Kashmir. At least 17 others are wounded. A group called Kashmir Resistance, which India accuses Pakistan of backing, claims the attack.

April 23: Pakistan’s foreign office released a statement expressing concern at the loss of tourists’ lives in the attack.

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In swift measures taken following the attack, India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) with Pakistan with immediate effect. The Attari border check post was closed, and Pakistanis in India under the Saarc Visa Exemption Scheme (SVES) had 48 hours to leave the country, while others could return by May 1. Defence personnel at the Pakistani High Commission in India were declared persona non grata and given a week to leave the country. The staff at the high commissions were also to be reduced.

Meanwhile, students from occupied Kashmir reported harassment and intimidation in other cities.

April 24: In its response, Pakistan called any attempt to stop or divert the flow of water per the IWT an “act of war”. In a slew of decisions, Islamabad suspended trade and closed the airspace with India. It also announced the closure of the Wagah border. Those who had crossed the border were ordered to return by April 30. All visas under the SVES issued to Indian nationals were cancelled with immediate effect, with the exception of Sikh religious pilgrims. Indian nationals in Pakistan at the time under SVES were instructed to exit within 48 hours.

Moreover, Pakistan also declared the Indian defence, naval and air advisers in Islamabad as persona non grata. They were directed to leave the country immediately, but not later than April 30, 2025. These posts in the Indian High Commission were deemed annulled. The support staff of these advisers were also directed to return to India. The strength of the Indian High Commission in Islamabad was to be reduced to 30 diplomats and staff members, with effect from April 30, 2025.

Meanwhile, the Indian Foreign Ministry announced that all Pakistani citizens in India must leave the country by April 29. India closed down the main border transit point and summoned Saad Ahmad Warraich, the top Pakistani diplomat in New Delhi. The Modi-led regime also blocked the Pakistani government’s X account in the country.

April 25: Indian and Pakistani troops exchanged fire overnight across the Line of Control (LoC) in Kashmir. Syed Ashfaq Gilani, a government official in Azad Kashmir, told AFP that there was no firing on the civilian population.

April 26: “Pakistan is open to participating in any neutral, transparent, and credible investigation (into the Pahalgam attack),” Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said.

He also drew a hard line on the issue of water resources, stressing continued water flow under the Indus Waters Treaty as a red line. “Water is a vital national interest of Pakistan, our lifeline,” he said. “Any attempt to stop, reduce, or divert the flow of water belonging to Pakistan under the Indus River Treaty would be responded to with full force and might.”

April 28: Pakistan and India continued trading fire across the Line of Control, with each blaming the other for provocation. On the other hand, Defence Minister Khawaja Asif said Pakistan was ready for any incursion by India.

He added that Pakistan was on high alert and that it would only use its arsenal of nuclear weapons if “there is a direct threat to our existence”.

Separately, the Indian government banned 16 Pakistani YouTube channels on recommendations from its Ministry of Home Affairs

April 29: Information Minister Attaullah Tarar said Pakistan had “credible intelligence” reports that indicated India was planning to conduct military action against Pakistan in the next 24 to 36 hours.

In a Senate session the same day, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar said Pakistan would not strike India but reserved the right to retaliate.

In India, Prime Minister Nar­endra Modi gave his military “operational freedom” to respond to the Pahalgam attack.

April 30: According to Associated Press of Pakistan, Pakistani security forces delivered a robust response to India’s unprovoked ceasefire violation along the LoC, destroying an Indian checkpost after late-night aggression on April 29-30.

Sources told APP that the retaliatory strikes destroyed several bunkers, including the Chakputra post in India-held Kashmir. Separately, state media also reported that a “timely and swift response” by the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) had forced four Indian Rafale jets to retreat.

Pakistan also briefly closed the airspace over Gilgit-Baltistan, while India shut its airspace for all Pakistan-registered aircraft, or those owned and operated by Pakistani airlines or operators, including military craft.

May 1: Army chief General Asim Munir warned that any “misadventure” by India would be met with a quick and decisive response.

“Let there be no ambiguity: any military misadventure by India will be met with a swift, resolute, and notch-up response. While Pakistan remains committed to regional peace, our preparedness and resolve to safeguard national interests are absolute,” he was quoted as saying by the Inter-Services Public Relations.

The same day, authorities stopped tourists from entering Neelum Valley and other sensitive areas near the LoC in view of the security situation. All religious seminaries in the region were also ordered to remain closed for 10 days, while the owners of hotels, guesthouses, restaurants, and marriage halls have pledged to place their establishments at the military’s disposal in case India launches an attack.

Pakistan also announced that certain sections of airspace over the two largest cities — Karachi and Lahore — would remain closed for eight hours a day throughout the month of May.

May 2: The Indian government blocked access to the official YouTube channel of Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif for users in India. It said the move was part of a wider crackdown on Pakistani digital content.

Separately, India also asked global multilateral agencies, including the IMF, to review funds and loans provided to Pakistan, as New Delhi sought “to corner the neighbouring state diplomatically”.

May 3: Pakistan conducted a successful training launch of the Abdali Weapon System, a surface-to-surface missile with a range of 450 kilometres.

The missiles were not fired toward the border area with India; they were normally fired into the Arabian Sea or the deserts of the southwest Balochistan province, the Associated Press reported.

AP added that India suspended the exchange of all mail from Pakistan through air and surface routes and banned the direct and indirect import of goods from the neighbour. It also barred Pakistani-flagged ships from entering its ports and prohibited Indian-flagged vessels from visiting Pakistani ports.

May 6-7: India launched Operation Sindoor, carrying out late-night missile strikes at six Pakistani sites, including Subhan Mosque in Bahawalpur’s Ahmedpur East, Bilal Mosque in Muzaffarabad, Abbas Mosque in Kotli, Umalkura Mosque in Muridke, the village of Kotki Lohara in Sialkot district, and Shakargarh. The Neelum-Jhelum Hydropower Project was shelled by Indian forces as well.

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Pakistan took down five Indian jets, including three Rafale planes. Eight civilian deaths, 35 injured people and one missing person were reported.

Subsequently, the National Security Committee authorised the country’s armed forces to respond to Indian aggression at “time and manner” of their choosing, while unprovoked firing and ceasefire violations by Indian forces continued at the Line of Control.

Meanwhile, 21 airports were shut in northern and north-western parts of India until May 10.

May 8: DG ISPR said Indian drones were neutralised in the following locations: Lahore, Attock, Gujranwala, Chakwal, Rawalpindi, Bahawalpur, Miano, Chhor, and near Karachi. Four army men were injured in this “serious serious provocation” by India, according to the military spokesperson. Around 30 drones were neutralised by Pakistan.

India’s government, on the other hand, claimed that 13 civilians were killed by Pakistani fire in “ceasefire violations” along their de facto border after violence escalated into artillery shelling following Indian strikes.

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The UN renewed its call for “maximum restraint”. Countries from all over the world began talks with leadership from both countries and expressed “deep concern” over the issue, while encouraging both countries to exercise restraint. Flight operations at Karachi, Islamabad, Sialkot and Lahore airports were suspended. In Delhi, 90 flights were cancelled.

May 9: DG ISPR said Pakistan neutralised 77 Israeli drones sent by India. “We are taking each one of them out. Not one of them has been able to go back to India, and not one of them will be able to go back,” he said in a press conference.

He further stated that “if you are so fond of Pakistan firing at you, we will fulfil your demand at a time, place and means of our choosing”. He added that 33 people were slain and 76 injured in Indian attacks.

On the other hand, Pakistan postponed eight remaining matches of the Pakistan Super League X, while the Indian Premier League 2025 was suspended for a week.

May 10: India targeted the PAF’s Nur Khan (Chaklala, Rawalpindi), Murid (Chakwal) and Rafiqui (Shorkot in Jhang district) air bases, but the majority of them were intercepted by Pakistan’s air defence systems. Soon after, the Pakistan Airports Authority announced the closure of the country’s airspace till noon.

In the wee hours of the day, Operation Bunyan-um-Marsoos was launched by Pakistan. In its response to Indian aggression, the military destroyed a storage site of the Brahmos missiles in India’s Beas region and the Udhampur airbase in India-occupied Kashmir as part of its retaliatory operation. According to Pakistani state media and security sources, Pakistan hit the following:

  • India’s power grid
  • Indian military intelligence’s training centre in IOK’s Rajouri
  • KG Top Brigade Headquarters
  • Uri field supply depot
  • Adampur, Udhampur, Pathankot, Suratgarh, Sirsa, Bhatinda and Halwara airfields, as well as the Akhnoor aviation base
  • S-400 system in Adampur,
  • Brahmos storage site in Beas
  • Artillery gun positions in Dehrangyari, occupied Kashmir’s Mankot
  • Indian posts directly opposite in the Phuklian sector
  • Rabtanwali Post, Jazeera Post Complex, Kafir Mehri, Shahpar 3, and Ghadar Top across the LoC

Amid the attacks from both ends, talks continued in the back-end. At around 5pm, US President Donald Trump announced that both India and Pakistan agreed to a full and immediate ceasefire. The same was also confirmed by both the neighbours.

Air traffic across Pakistan resumed later that night.

May 11: In a press conference, DG ISPR Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry paid tribute to those who were martyred in Indian aggression and their families, while praying for the speedy recovery of the wounded.

He confirmed that Pakistan hit 26 Indian targets, including their air force and aviation bases at Suratgarh, Sirsa, Adampur, Bhooj, Nalia, Bathinda, Barnala, Halwara, Avantipura, Srinagar, Jammu, Mamoon, Ambala, Udampur and Pathankot — all of which sustained major damage. He further added that the Barhmos facilities, which had fired missiles in Pakistan and killed innocent civilians, were also destroyed.

Dawn News

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How Pakistan Became Israel’s Primary Target (PART-I)

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The geopolitical sands of Southwest Asia have shifted dramatically in recent months. In a stunning reversal of roles, Pakistan—once viewed as a struggling state battling internal insurgencies and economic instability—has emerged as a pivotal power broker on the world stage. Through its successful mediation between the United States and Iran and its efforts to avert a global economic crisis, Islamabad has positioned itself as a formidable voice in international diplomacy. This diplomatic ascendancy, however, has come at a considerable cost. By challenging the established order and offering a counterbalance to Israeli power in the region, Pakistan has inadvertently painted a target on its own back. The result is a new and dangerous proxy war being fought on Pakistani soil, leveraging the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan and the Balochistan Liberation Army as tools to bleed the nation from within.
The calculus of power in the Middle East has been fundamentally upended. As the only nuclear-armed Muslim state with a growing arsenal, Pakistan is increasingly viewed by regional actors as a necessary counterweight to Israel’s unbridled military might and expansionist ambitions. The narrative in Islamabad and across many Middle Eastern capitals is that Israel, guided by a maximalist ideology and backed by its own nuclear capabilities, seeks to redraw the map of the region.
The perceived Greater Israel project, aiming to control territory from the Nile to the Euphrates, necessitates the destruction or fracture of all regional power structures. Under this worldview, Israel’s strategy is to create chaos, foster fractured governments, and use nuclear blackmail to cow its adversaries.
In this context, Pakistan’s nuclear umbrella is seen as the ultimate deterrent against Israeli aggression. By providing a potential shield for nations like Turkey, Egypt, and Iran, Pakistan has become a primary obstacle to Israel’s regional ambitions. This is the crux of the new animosity. Israel has recognized that it cannot neutralize Iran, Turkey, or other regional rivals without first neutralizing the threat from Pakistan.
The diplomatic achievements of Pakistan—including its instrumental role in stopping the wars in Lebanon and Gaza—have made it a major thorn in the eye of Israel. What Pakistan achieved diplomatically is perhaps greater in value and impact than what Iran achieved through its military confrontations with the United States and Israel.
This remarkable ascent has transformed Pakistan from a peripheral player into a central actor in the Middle Eastern power equation, and with that transformation has come the inevitable attention of adversaries who view its rise as a direct threat to their interests.
To counter this emerging threat, Israel is purportedly pivoting to a strategy of asymmetric warfare, exploiting Pakistan’s internal vulnerabilities through a classic playbook: find, fund, and arm proxy actors to destabilize a state from within, avoiding a direct and costly conventional confrontation.
The first prong of this strategy involves the TTP. Pakistan has long differentiated between the good Taliban in Afghanistan and the bad Taliban at home, but this distinction has become dangerously moot. The Afghan Taliban, now in power in Kabul, has provided safe havens, training camps, and logistical support to the TTP, allowing them to operate with near impunity across the porous border.
Now Israel in collaboration with India and elements within the Afghan government, is providing arms, ammunition, financial incentives, and operational guidance to the TTP. This financing and advanced training are intended to motivate TTP operatives to intensify their attacks on Pakistan’s military and civilian power centers, creating a constant state of insecurity that weakens the state from within.
The second, equally dangerous prong involves the separatist movements in Balochistan. The Balochistan Liberation Army and other ethnic insurgent groups are waging a war for independence, and while these movements have deep-rooted local grievances, they have become receptive to external manipulation.
The exiled Baloch leaders have expressed a willingness to align with Israel, viewing it as a potential guarantor of their independence. This creates a perverse alliance of convenience. India’s Research and Analysis Wing has a well-documented history of fomenting unrest in Balochistan to destabilize Pakistan, with the arrest of Indian naval officer Kulbhushan Jadhav in 2016 serving as a key example.
Now, Israel is reportedly deepening this cooperation, offering advanced intelligence, satellite reconnaissance, and perhaps even technological assistance to these separatist groups. In return, the BLA and its affiliates are promising to act as Israel and India’s stooges in a post-conflict scenario, leveraging whatever remains of a fractured Pakistan. The goal is to cripple the Pakistani state, potentially allowing external actors to seize control of the strategic Gwadar port and neutralize Pakistan’s nuclear assets.
Beyond the proxy war, there is an immediate and visceral threat that Pakistan must contend with: Israel’s technological prowess in targeted assassinations. Israel has a documented history of using sophisticated, often commercially available technology to track and eliminate high-value targets across the globe.
This includes the use of advanced surveillance software, remote-controlled weaponry, and even cyber-enabled sabotage of critical infrastructure. Pakistan, with its community of nuclear scientists, military strategists, and political leaders, is vulnerable to such tactics.
The threat is not merely hypothetical. Pakistan must ensure that the technology used by Israel for assassinating marked rivals and people of high political, scientific, and military value cannot be successfully deployed within its borders.
This demands a comprehensive overhaul of Pakistan’s internal security protocols, including strict monitoring of digital communications, protection of supply chains from cyber-tampering, and rigorous vetting of personnel with access to sensitive information. Failure to address this vulnerability could result in the loss of the nation’s most valuable minds and a catastrophic blow to its strategic capabilities.
Passive defense, however, is no longer sufficient. The current situation demands a proactive and offensive strategy. Pakistan cannot simply wait for an attack to occur; it must act to deter it. The core recommendation emerging from strategic analysts is the creation of a counter-spy network in Israel.
This is not merely an intelligence-gathering operation; it is a strategic necessity that would provide Islamabad with two critical advantages. First, a counter-network would provide Islamabad with powerful leverage, as knowing that Pakistan possesses the capability to respond in kind within Israeli territory would raise the stakes for any Israeli-initiated action in Pakistan.
Second, the doctrine of proportional response is central to this strategy. If Israel engages in sabotage, assassination, or support for proxy militancy within Pakistan, Islamabad must be prepared to reply in the same coin, delivering a proportional, measured, and effective response inside Israel itself. The goal is not escalation, but the creation of a credible deterrent that ensures the cost of aggression is too high to be borne.
This is where the expertise of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence becomes paramount. The ISI has decades of experience in covert operations, counterinsurgency, and intelligence gathering in Afghanistan and against Indian targets.
These accumulated skills must now be refocused on the Israeli threat. Pakistan has shown its diplomatic capability to de-escalate major international conflicts; now it must demonstrate its resolve to defend its sovereignty and nuclear assets against covert infiltration and sabotage.
The agency must evaluate the situation from all angles and place security mechanisms that are not only defensive but also offensive in nature. Pakistan should use all the deceptive and intelligence-gathering methods that Israel has employed to weaken countries within their own borders and apply them in Israel itself, creating a countervailing power that ensures proportional and responsible retaliation for any aggression. If this is not done now, it will be too late, and Pakistan will have to face the consequences of inaction. To be continued…….

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Israel’s Assassination Plot Against Asim Munir

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Political assassination has remained one of the darkest instruments of international power politics. Throughout modern history, governments and intelligence agencies have been accused of eliminating individuals they regard as threats to their national security beyond their own borders. Whether such operations are justified as self-defense, counterterrorism, or preemptive action, they raise profound legal, moral, and strategic questions that continue to divide the international community.
Among the countries most frequently associated with targeted killings is Israel. Over the decades, numerous operations attributed to Israeli intelligence have targeted leaders, military commanders, scientists, and members of armed organizations across the Middle East and beyond. Israel has often neither confirmed nor denied these operations, while maintaining that it has the right to defend its citizens against imminent threats.
Critics argue that regardless of the intended objective, extrajudicial assassinations violate fundamental principles of international law. Every individual, irrespective of nationality or political affiliation, is entitled to due process. When states assume the authority to investigate, prosecute, convict, and execute individuals without judicial oversight, they bypass the very legal framework that the international community has spent decades constructing. Such actions inevitably raise questions about sovereignty, accountability, and the rule of law.
The recent allegation made by journalist Pepe Escobar that Israel’s intelligence agency allegedly planned to assassinate Pakistan’s Field Marshal Asim Munir and members of the Pakistani delegation during their visit to Switzerland has once again reignited this debate. According to Escobar, Pakistan received intelligence regarding an alleged assassination plot and conveyed a stern warning through diplomatic channels.
However, Pakistani authorities have categorically rejected the allegation, describing it as “baseless fiction” and “complete nonsense.” They have stated that the visit proceeded normally, that no security concerns were raised by either Swiss or American authorities, and that no such threat existed. Consequently, there is currently no publicly available evidence substantiating the allegation.
Yet irrespective of whether this particular claim proves true or false, the controversy has drawn renewed attention to a broader and well-established question: how should the international community respond when states are accused of conducting targeted killings beyond their borders?
The perception that certain countries possess the capability to eliminate adversaries almost anywhere in the world has contributed to a growing sense of strategic imbalance. Many nations have witnessed the deaths of senior political figures, military commanders, or scientists in attacks widely attributed to foreign intelligence services. In most instances, these incidents have not resulted in direct military retaliation against the alleged perpetrators.
This reality inevitably raises questions about deterrence.
History repeatedly demonstrates that deterrence often depends upon an adversary’s belief that aggression will carry unacceptable consequences. Nations possessing credible military capabilities are generally perceived differently from those unable to impose meaningful costs upon an aggressor. Whether one examines nuclear deterrence during the Cold War or conventional military balances today, the principle remains remarkably consistent: strength influences strategic calculations.
Supporters of this view argue that states capable of defending themselves are less likely to become targets of coercion or external aggression. They contend that maintaining strong defensive capabilities—including intelligence, missile defense, and conventional military preparedness—reduces the likelihood of hostile actions by increasing their potential cost.
The recent military confrontation between India and Pakistan has reinforced, for many Pakistanis, the importance of maintaining credible defensive capabilities. Regardless of differing assessments of the conflict’s military outcomes, the episode demonstrated how deterrence continues to shape strategic behavior in South Asia. It also reinforced the belief among many observers that military preparedness remains an essential component of national security.
However, deterrence alone cannot provide a lasting solution.
If every state concludes that its security depends upon possessing the ability to respond with equivalent force, the world risks entering an increasingly dangerous cycle of retaliation. International stability cannot rest solely upon reciprocal threats. It must ultimately be supported by institutions capable of enforcing universally accepted legal standards.
The greatest weakness of the present international order lies not in the absence of legal principles but in their inconsistent application. International law prohibits unlawful killings, violations of sovereignty, and attacks upon protected persons. Yet accountability frequently depends upon political considerations rather than consistent legal enforcement. Powerful states often face little practical consequence when accused of violating these norms, while weaker states remain subject to extensive international scrutiny.
This inconsistency undermines confidence in the international legal system itself.
The world therefore requires stronger mechanisms to investigate allegations of politically motivated assassinations. Independent international investigations should be initiated whenever credible evidence emerges that state actors have participated in extrajudicial killings beyond their borders. If responsibility is established through transparent legal processes, appropriate sanctions and legal consequences should follow irrespective of the country’s political influence or military power.
Such accountability should never be selective. The principles governing sovereignty, due process, and the sanctity of human life must apply equally to allies and adversaries alike. International justice loses credibility when similar actions receive dramatically different responses depending upon who commits them.
The objective should not be to legitimize retaliation through further assassinations. Rather, it should be to strengthen institutions capable of preventing such acts before they occur. Durable peace cannot be achieved by replacing one unlawful killing with another. It can only emerge when international law is consistently enforced and political disputes are resolved through diplomacy rather than covert violence.
Ultimately, the lesson for every nation is twofold. First, countries must maintain sufficient defensive capabilities to safeguard their sovereignty and protect their citizens against external threats. Second, the international community must develop stronger, more impartial mechanisms to hold accountable any state or organization that engages in unlawful political assassinations.
Power may deter aggression in the short term, but only justice can secure peace in the long term. Unless international institutions become capable of enforcing the law equally against all states, the normalization of political assassination will continue to erode the foundations of global order, encouraging a world governed increasingly by force rather than by law.

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Trionda, Trust, and Pakistan’s Moment on the World Stage

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : As the FIFA World Cup 2026 unfolds across the United States, Canada, and Mexico, billions of people are captivated by the world’s greatest sporting event. Every goal, every save, every pass, every moment of triumph and heartbreak revolves around a single object: Trionda, the official FIFA World Cup 2026 match ball manufactured in Sialkot, Pakistan.
For Pakistanis, Trionda is much more than a football. It is a symbol of excellence, craftsmanship, innovation, and international recognition. Although Pakistan has never qualified for the final stages of the FIFA World Cup, it has nevertheless become an indispensable participant in the tournament. Every team plays with a football made in Pakistan. Every goal scored in the tournament is scored with a football produced by Pakistani hands.
Yet, as I watch these developments from the United States, I find that Trionda is only one part of a much larger story.
The real story is that Pakistan today finds itself at the center of global attention not merely because of what it manufactures, but because of what it has increasingly come to represent: a country capable of building bridges where others build walls, a country capable of facilitating dialogue when confrontation appears inevitable, and a country whose voice is increasingly being heard in discussions that shape the future of regions far beyond its borders.
The first source of pride is Trionda itself. The success of Sialkot’s football industry demonstrates that Pakistan possesses the talent, ingenuity, and entrepreneurial spirit necessary to compete at the highest levels of international manufacturing.
The second and perhaps more consequential source of pride is Pakistan’s growing diplomatic stature. The Middle East recently stood at the edge of a dangerous and potentially devastating confrontation. The conflict involving Iran, Israel, and the United States threatened not only regional stability but also the global economy. Energy supplies, international shipping routes, financial markets, trade flows, and investment confidence all faced uncertainty. The consequences of a prolonged conflict would have extended far beyond the region, affecting billions of people around the world. It was during this critical period that Pakistan emerged as an active diplomatic participant.
What makes Pakistan’s diplomatic role particularly noteworthy is not merely the outcome of the negotiations but the degree to which Pakistan was perceived as a trusted facilitator of communication during a period of extraordinary tension.
In international diplomacy, agreements are often delayed, diluted, or derailed by layers of intermediaries, competing bureaucracies, conflicting agendas, and institutional rivalries. Messages pass through multiple channels, each adding interpretation, hesitation, or distortion. Frequently, noise overwhelms substance and misunderstandings replace clarity.
The diplomatic engagement associated with Pakistan appeared different. The most valuable asset in diplomacy is not military strength, economic power, or political influence. It is trust. Trust cannot be purchased. It cannot be demanded. It must be earned through consistency, discretion, credibility, and reliability over time.
The events surrounding the negotiations suggested that Pakistan had accumulated a remarkable reservoir of such trust. It appeared capable of maintaining communication with multiple stakeholders simultaneously while preserving confidence on all sides. Whether engaging with Washington, Tehran, regional capitals, or major international partners, Pakistan demonstrated a capacity to remain a credible interlocutor at a moment when credible interlocutors were desperately needed.
The resulting Memorandum of Understanding carried significance far beyond the text of the document itself. It symbolized the possibility that dialogue could prevail over escalation and negotiation over confrontation. It also reflected a level of confidence in Pakistan’s diplomatic role that would have been difficult to imagine only a few years ago.
For many Pakistanis, one of the most powerful aspects of the process was the perception that Pakistan’s leadership had earned the confidence necessary to engage directly with key decision-makers during a period of historic importance. Whether viewed from Islamabad, Washington, Tehran, Ankara, Beijing, or elsewhere, the broader message was clear: Pakistan was no longer merely observing history; it was participating in it.
The importance of this trust cannot be overstated. Military power creates deterrence. Economic power creates leverage. Diplomatic trust creates opportunity. A nation that can communicate with competing powers, maintain relationships across geopolitical divides, and contribute to reducing tensions acquires a form of influence that cannot be measured merely in economic or military terms. Such influence enhances strategic relevance and elevates international standing.
The third source of pride has been Pakistan’s performance at the United Nations. During one of the most sensitive periods in recent international affairs, Pakistan’s representatives articulated their positions with clarity, conviction, and professionalism. They defended principles of sovereignty, international law, dialogue, and peaceful dispute resolution while engaging effectively with representatives of major powers.
For overseas Pakistanis, these moments were especially meaningful. Watching Pakistan’s voice resonate within the world’s most important diplomatic forum created a sense that the country was participating confidently in debates of global significance.
The interventions of Pakistan’s representatives reflected preparation, intellectual rigor, and diplomatic maturity. Rather than reacting emotionally to unfolding events, they advanced their positions in a manner that projected confidence and credibility. Their performance demonstrated that Pakistan possesses diplomats capable of representing the country effectively on the most consequential international stages.
The fourth source of pride has been the performance of Pakistan’s Ambassador to the United States. As someone who has spent much of his professional life in communications, public diplomacy, and media management, I watched his appearances with particular interest. He appeared before major American and international media organizations and faced probing questions from experienced journalists determined to test every aspect of Pakistan’s position.
What distinguished his performance was his composure. He neither avoided difficult questions nor allowed himself to become entangled in controversy. Instead, he consistently articulated Pakistan’s perspective with clarity, confidence, and discipline. He explained Pakistan’s positions, defended its interests, advocated peace and stability, and communicated effectively with influential audiences throughout the world.
His media engagements projected an image of Pakistan that was thoughtful, responsible, and constructive. He demonstrated that it is possible to defend national interests vigorously while maintaining professionalism and diplomatic decorum. Taken together, these developments tell a larger story.
For too long, international narratives about Pakistan have focused almost exclusively on instability, conflict, and crisis. While challenges undoubtedly remain, they do not define the nation. Pakistan is also a country of skilled workers, innovative entrepreneurs, capable diplomats, resilient citizens, and remarkable achievements.
The challenge now is to convert visibility into lasting progress. Diplomatic credibility should translate into stronger partnerships. International recognition should attract greater investment. Enhanced visibility should create new opportunities for trade, technology, commerce, and economic growth.
Most importantly, these achievements should inspire Pakistan’s younger generation. The workers of Sialkot, the entrepreneurs who built world-class industries, the diplomats who represented the nation abroad, and the leaders who pursued dialogue rather than confrontation all demonstrate what Pakistan can achieve when vision, competence, and determination come together.
As billions continue to watch FIFA World Cup 2026, Trionda will remain at the center of every match. Yet beyond football itself lies a larger and more enduring story: the story of a nation that is increasingly finding its voice, earning trust, building influence, and contributing to the world in ways that command attention and respect.
For Pakistanis at home and abroad, that is a source of immense pride. And perhaps it is also a glimpse of the Pakistan of tomorrow—a Pakistan whose greatest contribution to the world is measured not by conflict or controversy, but by excellence, diplomacy, credibility, and constructive engagement.

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