A 46-year-old businessman was lynched when a few hundred supporters of the religiopolitical party Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) stormed a place of worship belonging to the Ahmadi community in Karachi’s Saddar area on Friday to prevent it from observing religious rituals, according to officials.

Speaking to Dawn.com, South Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) Syed Asad Raza said the deceased owned a shop at Tariq Road. As soon as he learned about TLP supporters storming the Ahmadiyya Hall in Saddar, he closed his shop and went to the site of the incident.

“We have decided to lodge a murder case against the TLP leaders and workers. We are waiting for relatives to lodge the first information report (FIR). If they do not register the case, then the FIR will be registered on behalf of the state against the TLP workers,” the DIG said.

However, the TLP denied the allegation and said it was not to blame for the incident.

Raza added that the police were in the process of identifying the suspects. “No one will be spared,” declared the South police chief.

He said that around 400 TLP supporters had gathered outside the community hall, which is situated near the mobile market, adding that the police were already deployed there in the wake of similar incidents in Shah Latif, Surjani and Khokhrapar areas of the metropolis.

DIG Raza said the police, Rangers, and district administration took swift action and provided protection to the Ahmadi community members present inside the place of worship.

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He said the lynching incident occurred near the auto parts market, located near the community hall, where the man was beaten up by TLP supporters, adding that he was taken to a hospital where he succumbed to his injuries.

Raza later told Dawn.com that the police retrieved CCTV footage of the incident, which showed that the victim was filming the TLP protesters from behind the community hall with his cell phone when someone from the mob identified him.

“They initially beat him. When he fell to the ground, the mob began beating him more severely, leading to his death,” he said, adding that the deceased was an active member of the Ahmadi community.

Raza said around 40 members of the community who were taken in “protective custody” by the police to save them from the mob had been released and sent back to their homes. He vowed that no case would be registered against the community members.

He said relatives had taken away the body after an autopsy at Civil Hospital Karachi.

“They told the police that they will get the FIR registered after consultation with the community on Saturday,” he police official added.

Ahmadi community spokesperson Amir Mehmood told Dawn.com that the deceased, who was a known figure of the community, was “passing through the area around 100-150 metres away from the place of worship when TLP supporters recognised him and began beating him, leading to his death”.

Preedy Station House Officer Shabbir Husain also told Dawn.com that the 46-year-old man was “filming the TLP workers near Hashu Centre when the mob started beating him and killed him”.

“We called a prison van to move around 45-50 members of the community inside the community hall to a safe place,” he said.

Mehmood, however, said that he was not aware that the deceased was shooting a video of the mob.

Police surgeon Dr Summaiya Syed told Dawn.com that the deceased received multiple injuries all over his body. “Death occurred due to hard and blunt impacts on the head, leading to fractures and bleeding,” she said.

Meanwhile, TLP spokesperson Rehan Mohammed Khan told Dawn.com that the party had nothing to do with the lynching. “Our stance is clear.”

He said it was the job of law enforcement agencies to take appropriate action, maintaining that the party was protesting peacefully and demanding legal action.

“What is the evidence for the DIG and SSP (senior superintendent of police) who are blaming the TLP workers for killing the man?”

SHRC orders police for thorough, impartial investigation

The Sindh Human Rights Commission (SHRC) took notice of the incident and directed DIG Raza to conduct a thorough, impartial and expeditious investigation through a senior/competent officer with efforts to focus on identifying and apprehending the culprits.

In a notice, the SHRC also asked the DIG to submit a detailed report within 15 days.

The SHRC also said that immediate steps should be taken to ensure the safety and security of the Ahmadi. “Additional police personnel should be deployed as needed to maintain law and order, and effective liaison mechanisms with community representatives must be established to de-escalate tensions and prevent further incidents,” the SHRC said.

It warned that the present case “holds the potential to escalate into communal and inter-religious tensions”.

It emphasised the need for the police to adopt “proactive and extraordinary measures to safeguard the vulnerable group and mitigate the ripple effects of such sensitive incidents”.

The Human Rights Com­­mission of Pakistan (HRCP) said it was “appalled” by the incident, which it denounced as a “failure of law and order” that was a “stark reminder of the continued complicity of the state in the systematic persecution of a beleaguered community”.

It said the perpetrators of the attack in Saddar must be swiftly traced, arrested and prosecuted “without caving in to pressure from the far right to release those responsible”.

Separately, former senator Farhatullah Babar, president of the PPP Human Rights Cell, strongly condemned the “most heinous incident”, stating that the incident demonstrated a “dangerous rise in intolerance and of pathetic breakdown of the criminal justice system in the country”.

“It is hoped that the perpetrators will soon be hauled and brought to justice,” Babar said while speaking to Dawn.com.

Offering condolences to the heirs of the victim, the former senator demanded state protection for all minorities, calling for the setting up of the Minorities Commission “by an act of Parliament as ordered in the 2014 Supreme Court verdict”.

Last month, the HRCP said it had observed a growing trend of mob-led attacks on homes of families belonging to religious minorities, as well as their places of worship.

The HRCP also spoke of Ahmadis’ “arbitrary detention”, “desecration of their graves” and the “vulnerability of Hindu and Christian women” to forced conversion.

The report, titled Under Siege: Freedom of Religion or Belief in 2023-24, said over 750 persons were in prison on charges of blasphemy, as of October last year. It documented at least four faith-based killings, three of which targeted the Ahmadi community.

A key finding of the report is that disinformation on social media was the spark behind most of the registered blasphemy cases.

HRCP observed an “increasing weaponisation of blasphe­­my laws against Ahmadis”, with cases often initiated by law enforcement officials themselves.

Dawn News

Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : In a recent public statement, Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff vowed to turn the country into a “hard state.” While this declaration may resonate with the desire for national strength and order, it reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of what the term truly means in a political context. Turning Pakistan into a hard state requires far more than military power or suppression; it demands strong, independent institutions, a rule-based system, and unwavering adherence to democratic norms. Ironically, the steps taken by the establishment, particularly after the February 2024 elections, have pushed Pakistan further into the category of a soft state—fragile, inconsistent, and vulnerable to internal and external pressures.
A hard state is defined not by the might of its army or the fear it can instill but by the integrity and functionality of its institutions. It enforces the law consistently and fairly, possesses a judiciary that functions independently, and maintains internal security without undermining civil liberties. In such a state, the bureaucracy works efficiently, policies are enforced without political compromise, and national sovereignty is upheld with dignity. Countries often cited as hard states, such as China and Israel, have built systems of governance that, while autocratic or semi-democratic, still ensure institutional resilience and policy continuity. They are capable of making and implementing difficult decisions without succumbing to domestic chaos or foreign influence.
In stark contrast, soft states suffer from policy U-turns, weak law enforcement, politicized institutions, and frequent subservience to foreign interests. Laws are selectively applied, corruption is widespread, and national direction is unclear. Unfortunately, this description fits today’s Pakistan far more accurately than the aspirational “hard state” image being promoted by the military leadership. The events following the February 2024 elections have laid bare the extent of institutional decay and political manipulation in the country.
The manipulation began with the democratic process itself. The party that received the popular mandate, commanding a clear majority, was sidelined. Instead, a party that won only eighteen seats was elevated to form the government, while leaders of the majority party were jailed, silenced, or excluded from the political process. Parliament was reduced to a rubber stamp, mechanically passing pre-drafted legislation provided by military-backed forces. No real debate, no democratic process, and no respect for public opinion—all hallmarks of a system that has drifted far from democratic norms. In such a scenario, the very foundation of a hard state—public legitimacy—was shattered.
Next came the judiciary, another pillar of state strength that was swiftly undermined. Constitutional amendments passed in the wake of the election stripped the Supreme Court of its inherent powers, effectively making it subservient to the executive. The procedures for the appointment, promotion, and transfer of judges were modified, placing the judiciary under the influence of the legislature and the bureaucracy—both now acting under the military’s shadow. This erosion of judicial independence has rendered the legal system toothless, unable to check the excesses of power or safeguard the rights of citizens. In a true hard state, the judiciary serves as the guardian of justice; in Pakistan, it has been forced into submission.
Civilian governance, too, has been hollowed out. All major decisions—political, economic, and administrative—are now taken by the military or its proxies. Elected representatives are either bypassed or given ceremonial roles, while real power is exercised behind closed doors. Ministries have been reduced to implementing orders rather than crafting policies. This imbalance not only breeds inefficiency but also eliminates accountability, making it impossible for the government to respond to the public’s needs or correct its own course. A hard state, by contrast, requires effective civilian governance supported—not supplanted—by the military.
Perhaps the most chilling consequence of this shift has been the crackdown on media and freedom of speech. Independent journalism has been silenced through censorship, harassment, and exile. Journalists are persecuted, news channels are gagged, and many outspoken voices have been forced to flee and continue their work from abroad. Even social media, the last refuge for open discourse, has been increasingly restricted. A state that fears open dialogue is not strong—it is insecure. A hard state allows criticism because it believes in its own legitimacy. Pakistan’s current trajectory suggests a state trying to mask its weaknesses through control and coercion.
These internal failures are compounded by growing unrest in various regions of the country. Instead of addressing the root causes of discontent—poverty, political marginalization, lack of infrastructure—the state has responded with overwhelming force. This has only deepened alienation, fueling separatist sentiments and insurgencies. Borders have become more perforated, and citizens increasingly feel like strangers in their own land. When force is used to fix problems caused by force in the first place, the cycle of instability only deepens. This is not the path to a hard state but a descent into chaos under the illusion of control.
The military’s assertion that it will transform Pakistan into a hard state rings hollow against this backdrop. What it has actually built is a weak and soft state, deprived of democratic legitimacy, judicial independence, and civil freedoms. Without the very institutions that define a hard state, the promise to create one becomes either a façade or a warning of further repression.
Even if we were to take inspiration from hard states like China or Israel, we must recognize that their models are rooted in unique political ideologies and historical conditions. China’s success is tied to its centralized, one-party system and decades of economic reforms. Israel’s strength stems from its national security doctrine and compulsory civic participation. Pakistan, by contrast, is a democracy—flawed, yet still defined by its Constitution and public mandate. Attempting to replicate authoritarian models without replicating the structural foundations that support them is not only unrealistic but also dangerous.
What Pakistan truly needs is a return to democratic norms. The most successful models in South Asia and beyond—India, the United States, and European countries—demonstrate that long-term stability and prosperity come through democratic resilience, not authoritarian shortcuts. India, despite its flaws, has maintained democratic continuity for decades and is now among the world’s fastest-growing economies. Its 7% annual growth over the past two decades and emergence as a potential global economic power is a testament to the strength of democratic systems supported by independent institutions.
Pakistan, on the other hand, has experimented with martial law and military-led governance multiple times in its history, and each time, it has emerged weaker. Institutions were eroded, democratic norms were bypassed, and the country was left grappling with deeper economic and political crises. The current approach is no different. If anything, it is a repetition of a failed script—one that never produced a hard state, only harder times for the people.
Before invoking the language of strength, the military and political elite must first understand its true essence. A hard state is not built by force—it is built by trust. Trust in democratic processes, in judicial independence, in freedom of expression, and in the will of the people. Without these elements, any promise of national strength is merely rhetorical. If Pakistan is to emerge as a strong and respected nation, it must restore its institutions, respect its democratic values, and empower its people—not suppress them.

Karachi Commissioner Syed Hassan Naqvi on Sunday directed deputy commissioners to make special arrangements to curb professional beggary during the upcoming festival of Eidul Fitr, a statement from his office said.

A total of 205 professional beggars were arrested across Karachi from March to October last year as the city administration continued its crackdown on organised begging.

According to the statement, issued by the commissioner’s spokesperson Sattar Javed, 220 professional beggars were arrested in the past 22 days and measures are being taken to prevent them from returning.

“Deputy commissioners have been instructed to identify and apprehend potential handlers of beggars,” the statement read.

The statement said that the commissioner took notice of the increasing number of professional beggars in the city and has directed deputy commissioners to effectively curb them in markets, intersections, and shopping centres.

“They have been advised to seek help from social welfare organisations, NGOs, traffic police, and local police,” the statement read.

The commissioner’s office also released details of actions taken against professional beggars, highlighting that 220 beggars have been arrested and handed over to the police since March 1.

In January, the Sindh High Court’s (SHC) constitutional bench ordered Karachi traffic police to take action against beggars at the city’s traffic signals.

According to the court order, dated January 28 and seen by Dawn.com, the petitioner’s main grievance was that “certain transgender persons are begging at traffic lights and other public places and causing nuisance and harassment to [the] public at large”.

The bench ordered the traffic police inspector general (IGP) to “ensure that no begging is allowed in Karachi by any person whatsoever whether they be male, female, children or transgender”.

Taken From Dawn News

https://www.dawn.com/news/1899871/karachi-commissioner-orders-arrangements-to-curb-begging-during-eidul-fitr