By Akhtar Hussain Sandhu

The PAK-AFGHANdialogue held at Istanbul could not be successful as desired by both the countries, Pakistan’s federal minister, Mr. Atta Tarar, revealed the news through his statement on 29 and then 30 October. Both agreed to continue the ceasefire and further talks to deal with the terrorist groups existing in Afghanistan. This gathering in Istanbul was a continuation of the talks concluded in Doha (Qatar), which had resulted in a ceasefire between Pakistan and Afghanistan. The Taliban leaders acknowledged the open secret that the incumbent regime in Afghanistan is sponsoring the terrorist activities in Pakistan. Yet the Pakistani delegation showed the world that Pakistan is a pacifist state seeking an effective action against the terrorist groups within Afghanistan. The dialogues were at the verge of failure but both sat again and concluded agreed points of meeting on 6 November 2025. If transit trade remains blocked, then Pakistani pressure will sustain otherwise weapons will be imported through Karachi by Afghanistan. Hopefully, tension will dwindle down soon because the Afghan delegation did not repeat the Durand Line and other issues in the last meetings. National Mobilization Front, a dissident group in Afghanistan, has declared if India support Taliban, they would support the Sikhs and Khalistan movement in India. Moreover, very important leaders of TTP have been killed by the Pakistani forces that shows the commitment to eliminate the terrorists from the Pakistani soil.

Pakistan moved only one major agenda item, that Afghanistan should not support the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other terrorist groups that have been launching suicide attacks against the military and civilians in Pakistan. This is the same demand that the Talibans had already promised in the Doha agreement. Now, in the recent talks organized in Istanbul, the Taliban leaders confessed the presence of the terrorists of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other banned terrorist organizations in Afghanistan, which are being sponsored and facilitated by the Taliban regime. Pakistan had closed Chaman, Torkham, and other borders.

No transit trade is allowed, and repatriation of the so-called Afghan refugees is in progress. Hundreds of trucks are parked due to the persistent security concerns by Pakistan over the terrorist attacks facilitated by Afghanistan. All the terrorist organizations of Baluchistan, KPK, and Punjab are involved in immoral, illegal, and un-Islamic activities with the help of the Taliban regime. They must know that state affairs don’t not function on religious basis but on ‘National Interest.’ Therefore, Afghanistan will have to respect international laws and cosmopolitan ethics.

Afghanistan is working as the Indian proxy that Pakistan cannot tolerate at any cost. Turkey and Qatar played a sincere role in bringing the Talibans and Pakistan to the table, but the Indian-backed Kabul regime did not let the talks end with a positive result. The agreement was approaching a successful end, but Kabul, through the delegation, tabled a new demand for Pakistani help if the USA attacks. This was an immature gesture because Istanbul talks were a part of the agenda already concluded at Doha, in which no such point was a part of the agenda. The facilitators of the Muslim countries were surprised by the support of the terrorists and the erratic behavior of the Taliban delegation.

Significantly, the point of Islamic laws and Shariah propagated by the Talibans is worth discussing that since the skirmishes started on the Pak-Afghan borders or even before, the so-called advocates of Shariah have been hiding behind the falsified narrative and utter lies constantly. They adopted the same lies during the meeting at Istanbul, but were embarrassed when the Pakistani delegation presented undeniable proof and argued in the form of audio and video recordings. The real followers of Islam do not tell lies, do not kill innocent people, do not desecrate and mutilate human corpses, and do not conspire against Muslims with the help of non-Muslim state.

The world is mostly witnessing ‘war diplomacy’ while the Talibans always adopted ‘terrorism economy’ and ‘violence diplomacy’, which means to use terrorists as bargaining chips or tools. As compensation, they beg money from different countries. Pakistan knows this false show and the Taliban’s nuisance value; therefore, on the demand of money for the settlement of the terrorists far away from the Durand Line, Pakistan simply refused to pay. Pakistan had already mortified and crushed their arrogance, haughtiness, and fake image of being warriors within a few hours. Even Pakistan seems ready to revise the false curricula of Pakistan Studies and history in which the marauders are glorified.

Pakistan shared the stance vividly that if any terrorist attack in Pakistan is linked to the Afghan areas, Pakistan would hit Kabul and other main cities of Afghanistan. The engagement policy of General Asim Munir has stamped how Pakistan’s Law Enforcement Agencies would react to the anti-Pakistan conspiracies. On the failure of the Istanbul talks, the Talibans threatened to attack Islamabad, although they lack an air force which means they will use terrorists and suicide attacks. The terrorists must be clear that Islamabad will retaliate fiercely and protect the borders and ensure the security of the civilians.

However, Pakistan must repatriate the Afghan refugees as soon as possible. We hear that some of the policemen are taking bribes to show that the Afghans either have been repatriated or disappeared somewhere. The soil of Pakistan is more sacred than any other neighboring land, and the people of Pakistan are more important than anyone else on the earth; therefore, the state must take stern actions against the terrorists, traitors, corrupt officials, smugglers, terrorists and their sympathizers. Pakistan right now enjoys a soft image, effective establishment, and powerful military leadership at the international level. Therefore, this is the right time to root out the anti-Pakistan extremist elements and terrorism from the country.       

Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : The recent summit hosted by President Donald Trump, with Egypt’s Prime Minister beside him, carried moments that went beyond protocol. When Trump extended an affectionate greeting to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, it was more than a warm gesture—it symbolized a historic shift in U.S.–Pakistan relations. That moment showed how Islamabad’s civilian leadership and its military command under Field Marshal Asim Munir had moved from the margins of suspicion to the heart of Washington’s strategic calculus. This closeness did not emerge overnight. It had been cultivated in the months before America’s devastating strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities, when Pakistan’s leadership first engaged with Trump in serious dialogue. Since then, Pakistan has become central in persuading the Muslim world and wealthy Arab capitals to support Trump’s ambitious 21-point Gaza Peace Plan.
What followed at the summit underscored the depth of this bond. While European leaders, presidents, and prime ministers from around the globe sat on the sidelines, Shehbaz Sharif was invited by Trump to take the podium and publicly offer praise. No other leader was given such a platform. Trump, clearly pleased, remarked that the true achievement of the summit was not only the signing of the Hamas–Israel agreement but the dawn of a new era of friendship, reconstruction, and hope for Gaza. In a further gesture, Trump mentioned Field Marshal Munir by name, praising his leadership and role in regional stability. It was a recognition that carried consequences far beyond the hall, signaling to the world that Pakistan was no longer merely a participant but an indispensable partner in shaping the future of the Middle East.
The political consequences at home are equally profound. A country that only recently teetered on the brink of economic collapse now finds itself under the protective shield of Washington’s goodwill. Trump’s personal embrace of Pakistan’s leadership, combined with the IMF’s readiness to release fresh funds and the global media’s acknowledgment of reforms, all but ensures that Shehbaz Sharif’s government will complete its five-year term. Bloomberg’s recent report, which placed Pakistan as the second most improved emerging economy in terms of sovereign default risk, has become an anchor for this perception of stability. It suggests that regime change, once a lingering fear, is no longer an imminent threat.
For the opposition led by Imran Khan, this represents a near-terminal blow. PTI, once a movement with momentum, now appears fractured, riddled with blame games and leadership rifts. International recognition of government performance compounds the decline of PTI’s appeal. The likelihood of Khan’s return to power grows slimmer with each passing day, not only in this term but perhaps in the next electoral cycle as well. Continuity, not disruption, now defines the political horizon.
Bloomberg’s endorsement is more than a headline. Between June 2024 and September 2025, Pakistan’s sovereign default probability fell by as much as 2,200 basis points. From being ranked among the riskiest economies in the world, Pakistan rose to the second-best performer among emerging markets, behind only Turkiye. The turnaround was achieved through strict fiscal discipline, compliance with IMF conditions, timely debt repayments, and reforms that improved investor confidence. To lenders and investors, the message is clear: Pakistan is no longer a default story but a recovery story. To citizens, it signals hope that the worst may be behind them.
Yet beneath this optimism lies a more complex reality. The improvement in sovereign risk is significant but does not tell the whole story. Pakistan’s growth for FY25 was revised upward to 3.04% after industrial output rebounded, while third-quarter growth came in at 2.4%. These figures are encouraging but modest, reflecting stabilization rather than a boom. Inflation, which had once spiraled above 30%, cooled dramatically to just 4.1% by late 2024, allowing the State Bank to cut policy rates from a suffocating 22% down to 12%. This drop, however, owes as much to global commodity relief as it does to policy discipline.
Investment has shown some sparkle: the Special Investment Facilitation Council pushed foreign direct investment up by 16% in one month, IT exports rose 32%, and the Karachi Stock Exchange doubled in a single year. Exports rose by 10% to $30.64 billion in FY2024, though a persistent trade deficit remains, fueled by costly imports of petroleum and machinery. Most recently, a $1.2 billion IMF agreement reached in October 2025 has shored up liquidity, while the 2025–26 budget ambitiously targets 4.2% growth.
These data points reinforce Bloomberg’s narrative to an extent. Inflation is under control, growth is stabilizing, investors are returning, and credit risk has narrowed. Yet deep challenges persist. Job creation remains weak, and official data is thin. Small and medium enterprises, which form the backbone of domestic employment, still face crushing costs from energy tariffs, taxation, and financing constraints. Structural reforms in governance, energy, and taxation continue to lag. Pakistan’s revival, while real, is fragile—dependent on external goodwill and vulnerable to global shocks.
What makes the Bloomberg recognition consequential is its convergence with Trump’s embrace. Together, they create a powerful narrative dividend: Pakistan is not only stable, but strategically indispensable. For Washington, Islamabad’s role in rallying Muslim and Arab states behind the Gaza framework is invaluable. For Pakistan, the dividend is survival and the chance to thrive under international endorsement. IMF funds flow more smoothly, investors take notice, and international media highlight the recovery rather than the collapse. Confidence breeds confidence, and the government’s legitimacy is strengthened at home.
But overreliance on narrative is dangerous. Recognition from Bloomberg or praise from Trump cannot substitute for deep economic transformation. If oil prices spike, if U.S. interest rates rise, or if domestic reforms stall, the narrative could unravel quickly. Investors are patient only as long as reforms continue; corruption or complacency could break the cycle of confidence. Pakistan’s future cannot rest solely on symbolic endorsements. It must be built on durable change that translates into jobs, thriving businesses, and improved living standards.
The outlook is both promising and precarious. If Pakistan can maintain fiscal prudence, expand exports, exploit its mineral wealth, and modernize its economy, this Bloomberg moment may be remembered as the beginning of a genuine turnaround. With Washington’s backing, the country enjoys a rare window of stability that could last five to ten years, enough time to set the foundation for durable prosperity. But history offers harsh lessons: moments of reprieve squandered, opportunities lost to complacency or discord.
The challenge now is not to mistake recognition for resolution. Trump’s embrace and Bloomberg’s endorsement are powerful signals of global confidence, but unless they are matched by tangible improvements in jobs, trade, and technology, they will remain fleeting headlines. Pakistan stands at a turning point, its reprieve fragile but full of possibility. Whether this moment becomes a renaissance or a relapse depends not on the applause abroad but on the reforms at home.

By Akhtar Hussain Sandhu

Pakistan has been passing through a turbulent phase by means of internal and external challenges. All the administrative authorities are trying to bridle this nuisance and menace. The crucial national and international problems, including terrorism, failure of the political parties, the impotent role of bureaucracy, and the external threats to the state, have popularized the military leadership. Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir leads the only organized institution of army in Pakistan that performs its duties tremendously and vigilantly.

The maleficent and precarious plans of India, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, and Tehrik-i-Labbaik Pakistan, the violent role of political parties have multiplied the challenges for Pakistan. It is even Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf Pakistan that supports extremist and violent activities, which ultimately damages the image of the country. Although the civil government is credited in restoring the performance of foreign affairs, but the real credit goes to the Chief of Army Staff Gen. Gen. Asim Munir, who paved the way for cordial relations with the Arab and powerful countries, including USA, China, and Russia. The Afghan Taliban government is already supporting TTP, which attacked the Pakistan Army’s posts and martyred 23 soldiers. The TTP had already martyred many civilians, law enforcement officials, and military officers and soldiers in the recent past.

Moreover, the Afghan foreign minister Amir Muttaqi’s visit to India set in a new collaboration against Pakistan. Under the influence of this Afghan-India understanding, the long Pak-Afghan border was hit by the TTP militants and the Afghan army, but the Pakistan army bulldozed their sinister and nefarious aims and defeated the Afghan army within two hours testifying the myth that Afghanistan never defeated any attacking nation without external support. The Pakistan Army has not interfered with the election process of the Chief Minister KPK, which indicates that the army would remain aloof from the politics. Gen. Asim Munir proved his professional ethics, fairplay, and impartiality to uplift the image of Pakistan in the world. Pakistan’s armed forces, with their great professionalism, defended the country and retaliated with full thrust when Iran, India, and Afghanistan attacked Pakistan. An honest and visionary leadership is the asset of a nation; therefore, the majority of Pakistani people are proud of their institutions especially the army and leadership.

On the other hand, such circumstances pave the way for a military dictatorship because the failure of the political parties results in the decay of the democratic system. Pakistan at the moment experiences the best model of collaboration between the government and army, along with the best model of foreign relations but at the same time, Pakistan is undergoing the worst phase because of the violent politics of PTI, TTP, TLP, along with grave danger on the eastern and western borders. India and Afghanistan are inflicting a collaborative aggression on the civilians and armed forces of Pakistan.

Despite this critical situation, moral and administrative corruption by almost all government institutions, including police, revenue, customs, smuggling, nepotism, drug sale, media abuse, atrocities by the rich, encroachments, leasing government lands, commission on contracts, weak performance in the education sector, impotent role in expelling the Afghan refugees, ill-treatment at the airports by the dealing staff, slave mindset of the bureaucracy, and sifarash  seem toeing the traditionally dirty politics, corrupt mindset and rotten governance by the government institutions which will definitely increase a favorable sentiments for the army chief and detestation for the political parties.

On all fronts, the people of Pakistan witness an effective role of Gen. Asim Munir that will result in the extension or direct rule of the Field Marshal. The performance of the political parties is declining their prestige in the eyes of the people as the PTI does not get rid of the violent and anti-Pakistan politics; PMLN, being in the government, is losing the sympathy base among the masses, and PPP has already no rising potential in the national politics. They have focused on the role of pressure groups confined to the provincial forces.

            The PPP confined itself to Sindh, PMLN in Punjab, PTI in KPK, while no political genuine process in Balochistan, Azad Kashmir, and Gilgit-Baltistan. Although the Pakistani establishment is away from the politics of Pakistan but it cannot remain silent on the assumptions perceived by the establishment. The Supreme Court of Pakistan is divided between the judges having a ‘populist approach’ and a ‘constitutionalist mindset.’ Most of the judges are inducted based on their political affiliation, and the political parties expect them to return the same love, which has led the Pakistani judicial system to the worst performance list issued at international level.

The Police and other departments are used by the ruling party to embarrass the opposition. Even the political parties have internal groups that are taken and treated as rival political forces. The political parties use their offshoots in the educational institutions as their armed supporters. The lawyers have political and financial predilections; therefore, the main leadership producing institution has become a political stooge, blackmailer, qabza mafia, and drumbeater of the politicians and pseudo-religious leaders. Sometimes, some people assume that Pakistan is perhaps not suitable for democracy. I assume that western societies, where democracy is successful, develop different social and cultural dynamics. Pakistan’s socio-cultural reality is different from the West; therefore, the imported Western system cannot work effectively in Pakistan. It is the moral obligation of Pakistan’s social scientists to develop and adapt a conducive system fit to our socio-political reality. In this perspective, local cultures and mindset is to be considered to make democracy successful in our country. An honest and dedicated leadership is need of the time, our politicians are required to be trustworthy through their fair political decision-making.             Amidst the prevailing circumstances, one cannot find any honest, uncompromised, and strong leadership in the political parties of Pakistan. In the state of crisis, people look forward toward the military leadership in Pakistan. There has been a game of hide and seek between democracy and dictatorship in Pakistan. During the tenure of Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa, the political crisis emerged based on the doubt of the military intervention for ten years, but external and internal threats and economic crisis did not allow the military to occupy Islamabad. The coming years seem to be crucial, and the constant political crises may give chance to military leadership to lead the country directly.