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Can Pakistan be a Hard State?

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : In a recent public statement, Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff vowed to turn the country into a “hard state.” While this declaration may resonate with the desire for national strength and order, it reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of what the term truly means in a political context. Turning Pakistan into a hard state requires far more than military power or suppression; it demands strong, independent institutions, a rule-based system, and unwavering adherence to democratic norms. Ironically, the steps taken by the establishment, particularly after the February 2024 elections, have pushed Pakistan further into the category of a soft state—fragile, inconsistent, and vulnerable to internal and external pressures.
A hard state is defined not by the might of its army or the fear it can instill but by the integrity and functionality of its institutions. It enforces the law consistently and fairly, possesses a judiciary that functions independently, and maintains internal security without undermining civil liberties. In such a state, the bureaucracy works efficiently, policies are enforced without political compromise, and national sovereignty is upheld with dignity. Countries often cited as hard states, such as China and Israel, have built systems of governance that, while autocratic or semi-democratic, still ensure institutional resilience and policy continuity. They are capable of making and implementing difficult decisions without succumbing to domestic chaos or foreign influence.
In stark contrast, soft states suffer from policy U-turns, weak law enforcement, politicized institutions, and frequent subservience to foreign interests. Laws are selectively applied, corruption is widespread, and national direction is unclear. Unfortunately, this description fits today’s Pakistan far more accurately than the aspirational “hard state” image being promoted by the military leadership. The events following the February 2024 elections have laid bare the extent of institutional decay and political manipulation in the country.
The manipulation began with the democratic process itself. The party that received the popular mandate, commanding a clear majority, was sidelined. Instead, a party that won only eighteen seats was elevated to form the government, while leaders of the majority party were jailed, silenced, or excluded from the political process. Parliament was reduced to a rubber stamp, mechanically passing pre-drafted legislation provided by military-backed forces. No real debate, no democratic process, and no respect for public opinion—all hallmarks of a system that has drifted far from democratic norms. In such a scenario, the very foundation of a hard state—public legitimacy—was shattered.
Next came the judiciary, another pillar of state strength that was swiftly undermined. Constitutional amendments passed in the wake of the election stripped the Supreme Court of its inherent powers, effectively making it subservient to the executive. The procedures for the appointment, promotion, and transfer of judges were modified, placing the judiciary under the influence of the legislature and the bureaucracy—both now acting under the military’s shadow. This erosion of judicial independence has rendered the legal system toothless, unable to check the excesses of power or safeguard the rights of citizens. In a true hard state, the judiciary serves as the guardian of justice; in Pakistan, it has been forced into submission.
Civilian governance, too, has been hollowed out. All major decisions—political, economic, and administrative—are now taken by the military or its proxies. Elected representatives are either bypassed or given ceremonial roles, while real power is exercised behind closed doors. Ministries have been reduced to implementing orders rather than crafting policies. This imbalance not only breeds inefficiency but also eliminates accountability, making it impossible for the government to respond to the public’s needs or correct its own course. A hard state, by contrast, requires effective civilian governance supported—not supplanted—by the military.
Perhaps the most chilling consequence of this shift has been the crackdown on media and freedom of speech. Independent journalism has been silenced through censorship, harassment, and exile. Journalists are persecuted, news channels are gagged, and many outspoken voices have been forced to flee and continue their work from abroad. Even social media, the last refuge for open discourse, has been increasingly restricted. A state that fears open dialogue is not strong—it is insecure. A hard state allows criticism because it believes in its own legitimacy. Pakistan’s current trajectory suggests a state trying to mask its weaknesses through control and coercion.
These internal failures are compounded by growing unrest in various regions of the country. Instead of addressing the root causes of discontent—poverty, political marginalization, lack of infrastructure—the state has responded with overwhelming force. This has only deepened alienation, fueling separatist sentiments and insurgencies. Borders have become more perforated, and citizens increasingly feel like strangers in their own land. When force is used to fix problems caused by force in the first place, the cycle of instability only deepens. This is not the path to a hard state but a descent into chaos under the illusion of control.
The military’s assertion that it will transform Pakistan into a hard state rings hollow against this backdrop. What it has actually built is a weak and soft state, deprived of democratic legitimacy, judicial independence, and civil freedoms. Without the very institutions that define a hard state, the promise to create one becomes either a façade or a warning of further repression.
Even if we were to take inspiration from hard states like China or Israel, we must recognize that their models are rooted in unique political ideologies and historical conditions. China’s success is tied to its centralized, one-party system and decades of economic reforms. Israel’s strength stems from its national security doctrine and compulsory civic participation. Pakistan, by contrast, is a democracy—flawed, yet still defined by its Constitution and public mandate. Attempting to replicate authoritarian models without replicating the structural foundations that support them is not only unrealistic but also dangerous.
What Pakistan truly needs is a return to democratic norms. The most successful models in South Asia and beyond—India, the United States, and European countries—demonstrate that long-term stability and prosperity come through democratic resilience, not authoritarian shortcuts. India, despite its flaws, has maintained democratic continuity for decades and is now among the world’s fastest-growing economies. Its 7% annual growth over the past two decades and emergence as a potential global economic power is a testament to the strength of democratic systems supported by independent institutions.
Pakistan, on the other hand, has experimented with martial law and military-led governance multiple times in its history, and each time, it has emerged weaker. Institutions were eroded, democratic norms were bypassed, and the country was left grappling with deeper economic and political crises. The current approach is no different. If anything, it is a repetition of a failed script—one that never produced a hard state, only harder times for the people.
Before invoking the language of strength, the military and political elite must first understand its true essence. A hard state is not built by force—it is built by trust. Trust in democratic processes, in judicial independence, in freedom of expression, and in the will of the people. Without these elements, any promise of national strength is merely rhetorical. If Pakistan is to emerge as a strong and respected nation, it must restore its institutions, respect its democratic values, and empower its people—not suppress them.

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In fiery presser, ISPR DG terms Imran Khan ‘mentally ill, national security threat’

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“His ego and desires have grown to such an extent that he says if not me, then nothing,” says Lt Gen Chaudhry

Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) Director General Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry on Friday castigated Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) founder Imran Khan and his party’s “anti-army’s rhetoric”, terming him a “mentally ill person, whose conduct had become a “serious national security threat”.

Addressing an over two-hour-long press conference in Rawalpindi, the military’s spokesperson slammed the former prime minister for working with “external elements, spreading disinformation, provoking unrest and persistently targeting the armed forces”.

The ISPR chief said today’s briefing was aimed at outlining internal national security challenges, saying that nothing is above the state of Pakistan.

Without naming anyone, Lt Gen Chaudry referred to the jailed PTI founder saying: “His ego and desires have grown to such an extent that he says if not me, then nothing.”

Describing what he called a “delusional mindset” of a “person captive of his own thoughts,”  Lt Gen Chaudhry said that the narrative promoted by a particular political figure has “evolved into a national security threat”.

The ISPR DG said that anyone who attacks the armed forces or its leadership is effectively “creating space for another army”.

Lt Gen Chaudhry asserted that the PTI founder keeps the Constitution, the law and established rules aside while promoting this narrative.

He said that the PTI founder sends a narrative against the military and its leadership whenever a meeting is held at Adiala jail.

PTI founder ‘mentally ill’

Addressing the presser, the ISPR DG slammed Imran for “placing personal ego above national interest and of repeatedly promoting an anti-Pakistan, anti-army narrative”.

“This mentally ill individual tweeted two days ago. He believes nothing exists beyond him — not even Pakistan.”

“We respect Pakistan’s political leadership but keep the army away from your politics,” the military’s spokesperson said, adding: “We will not allow anyone to create a rift between Pakistan’s army and the people”.

Lt Gen Chaudhry said Imran had promoted a “scientific system” of coordinated troll activity, driven narratives through his own social media accounts, and repeatedly likened himself to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Indian, Afghan and some international media, he said, amplified his messaging, with troll networks abroad boosting content in synchronised cycles.

According to the ISPR DG, the former premier has now become a national security threat and is working in coordination with external elements.

Giving another recent example, the general said this individual had claimed that anyone from his own party who visited the National Defence University (NDU) would be a traitor. “According to his logic, anyone who goes to ISPR is also a traitor,” he added.

Noting that the freedom of expression is allowed under Article 19 of the Constitution, the ISPR DG said that it carries certain restrictions with it as well and does not permit anyone to speak against the state and national security.

Lt Gen Chaudhry said the “mentally disturbed individual” had recently posted a tweet and asked his supporters to target military leadership that stood firm against an enemy eight times stronger in the Operation Bunyan-um-Marsoos.

“There is an entire science behind this,” the ISPR DG said.

Referring to the PTI founder, Lt Gen Chaudhary said: “Who are you? Whose language are you speaking? What do you think of yourself?”

The DG ISPR said that the public had already witnessed the “symptoms of a disturbed mindset”.

He asked whether the individual had not previously instigated the May 9 attack on the General Headquarters (GHQ).

“This person believes that anyone serving in the Pakistan Army is a traitor,” the DG ISPR asserted, adding that this person considers himself to be the only one who is right and believes everyone else is wrong.

He questioned why this individual did not speak about Pakistan’s significant issues.

Vows response to attack on army

The ISPR DG said that the PTI founder first creates a narrative aimed at halting remittances to push Pakistan toward default, and then calls for targeting the army’s leadership, which successfully stood firm against India during the four-day war in May.

“When you ask his party, they say that we do not know where the narrative comes from,” the military’s spokesperson said.

“A person who thinks that nothing is above his own self, even Pakistan, has [in fact] become a national security threat,” the general warned, saying that “this person is working with external elements”.

“If someone attacks the Pakistan Army, then we will also respond.”

Referring to the social media post concerned, he shed light on how the Indian media and troll accounts, operating from outside Pakistan, pick up on this narrative.

“Accounts come after the tweet in a sequential manner [….] The original narrative was given by this mental patient by tweeting.”

“Uzma Khan is sitting on the Indian media and telling PTI to attack,” Lt Gen Chaudhry highlighted.

The ISPR DG cautioned that anyone attacking Pakistan’s Armed Forces “under their own political mindset” should expect a response.

Reaffirming the institution’s stance, he said, “We are the armed forces of Pakistan and do not represent any political ideology.”

CDF notification propaganda

The ISPR DG described the propaganda surrounding the CDF notification as “a flood of lies,” questioning what kind of politics of freedom of expression this represented.

“Please grow up. Talk about real issues,” he said, adding that even routine military news was being used to generate propaganda.

Continuing his remarks, the ISPR DG said that Afghan social media was also actively involved in amplifying the narrative of the PTI founder.

“Three days ago, they repeated their narrative of dialogue with the terrorists. They pushed the line that intelligence-based operations should not be carried out,” he added.

“By the logic of this mentally disturbed individual, if India had attacked, he would have walked around with a begging bowl saying, ‘Come, let’s talk.'”

The ISPR DG noted that the PTI founder was the same person “who suggested opening an office for khawarij in Peshawar”.

“This obsession with talks is not new for him,” the DG ISPR said, adding that the former premier provokes people to stand against operations.

“We are absolutely clear that his politics or his personality cannot be above the state,” he stressed.

“This is a mental disorder — this is a terror-crime nexus. It involves drugs, NCP, kidnapping for ransom and several other things.”

The ISPR DG cautioned that anyone who stands against the political terror-crime nexus could face orchestrated attacks.

‘Terrorism and extremism’

Lt Gen Chaudhry reaffirmed that the Pakistan Army stood between the public and “khawarij terrorists”.

While Pakistan had never refused dialogue, he said talks with violent extremists were out of the question. Citing Paigham-e-Pakistan, he reminded that the country’s top Ulema had rejected extremism.

He said some individuals had revived the narrative of “talking to the khawarij” only three days earlier.

The DG ISPR criticised those opposing security operations, saying the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa police were sacrificing their lives daily.

He questioned why some urged the halting of intelligence-based operations, stressing that terrorism would not end in a day and required political will. He said those advancing such arguments worked against the unanimous national narrative.

The ISPR DG said that by December 3, as many as 1.8 million illegal Afghan migrants had been repatriated under government policy.

‘State is supreme’

Emphasising constitutional hierarchy, the ISPR DG said the state — and the elected government — were supreme, not individuals or institutions. The army, he said, was an institution functioning under civilian authority.

Freedom of speech under Article 19 had limits, he noted, and could not be exercised against national security.

Responding to criticism of military capability and governance, he said the army had proved itself in battle, and that the country had not defaulted despite predictions.

Calling the current discourse a “disease — a mental disorder”, he said the business of lies and deception would no longer continue.

He dismissed online attacks, referring to them as “a barking dog — do not worry about it”.

“We stand on the side of truth, and we will remain on the side of truth,” he added.

‘Media must act responsibly’

Lt Gen Chaudhry urged the media to act responsibly, “call truth truth and falsehood false”, and focus on real national issues.

Pakistan, he said, had let billions of dollars’ worth of floodwater flow into the sea, maintained severely inadequate water storage and faced population pressures, requiring serious debate on food security.

He said the country had “politicised everything — even the national narrative”.

He said questions on governance triggered attacks from the “political-crime nexus”.

Criticising political leaders who kept their own children abroad, he urged them to send their children to the army.

Governor’s rule, he noted, was solely the government’s decision. “We are clear that no individual or politics is greater than the state.”

Concluding the briefing, Lt Gen Chaudhry said the army would not allow rifts between the institution and the public. He warned political actors to stop dragging the military into their disputes, adding that attacks on the army would draw responses.

“It is clear as daylight: we will protect the state,” he said. Calling for maturity, he said: “We are all Bunyan-um-Marsoos — a solid, united structure. Pakistan will remain, and the Pakistan Army will remain.”

News Taken From Geo News

https://www.geo.tv/latest/637487-ispr-dg-lt-gen-chaudhry-to-address-press-conference-today

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Pakistani Delegates of the Model United Nations International Visited the Embassy

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Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY):- A group of Pakistani delegates of the Model United Nations (MUN) International being held in Paris visited the Embassy today for an interactive briefing session. They were briefed on Pakistan’s priorities in international organizations especially those based in Paris.

Addressing the participants, Ambassador Madam Mumtaz Zahra Baloch underscored Pakistan’s commitment to multilateralism, international law, and peaceful settlement of disputes.

She also briefed them on the constructive role played by Pakistan in advancing the mandate of UNESCO during its tenure as a Vice-Chair of the Executive Board (2023–2025) and championing the priorities of developing countries.

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What new changes has the National Assembly made to the 27th Constitutional Amendment bill?

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The National Assembly on Wednesday passed the 27th Constitutional Amendment Bill during a ruckus-marred session attended by political heavyweights, including Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, PML-N President Nawaz Sharif and PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari.

The bill was passed by a two-way voting process — voting by division and clause-by-clause voting. Presented in the house for voting by Law Minister Azam Nazeer Tarar, the bill will now be referred back to the Senate for the new amendments to be debated upon again and then will be passed by the upper house.

During the session, Tarar presented a list of amendments to the bill, while also omitting some of the bill’s clauses.

From the law minister’s speech in the National Assembly, the amendments were promulgated mainly to incorporate the newly setup Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) in the scheme of the Constitution and to provide clarity regarding the incumbent and future chief justice of Pakistan (CJP) since the new constitutional court means it will have its own chief justice (CJFCC), along with the chief justice of the Supreme Court (CJSC).

Amendments related to Federal Constitutional Court

Substitution of new Clause 2

The first change pertained to Clause 2 of the 27th Amendment Bill, 2025, which dealt with a change to Article 10(4)(1) of the Constitution (safeguards as to arrest and detention). The relevant section currently says that the CJP will form the review board in a case of someone detained under a federal law.

The amendment sought to insert the words “Supreme Court of” in front of the “chief justice of” to now show that the CJSC would be the one to form the board.

However, the new Clause 2 as per the amendments deals with changes to Article 6’s (high treason) clause 2A, which reads as follows:

An act of high treason mentioned in clause (1) or clause (2) shall not be validated by any court, including the SC and a high court.

In the latest amendment, it was stated that after the word “the”, the words “Federal Constitutional Court” and a comma would be inserted, thus adding the FCC to the list of courts that cannot ratify any act of high treason and placing it before the SC in the listing.

Amendments related to Supreme Court, its chief justice and CJP

Insertion of Clause 2A

Meanwhile, the previous Clause 2 of the bill would now be labelled as Clause 2A.

As explained before, the CJSC will now be the one to form the review board for the case of someone detained under a federal law.

Substitution of Clause 23

Article 176 that deals with the makeup of the SC currently says: “The Supreme Court shall consist of a chief justice to be known as the chief justice of Pakistan and so many other Judges as may be determined by Act of [Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)] or, until so determined, as may be fixed by the president.”

The original Clause 23 sought to insert the words “of Supreme Court” after the second mention of “justice”, thus meaning that the apex court would comprise its own chief justice — who would not necessarily be the CJP.

However, the law minister said in his NA speech that confusion had been created about the continuity of the CJP, thus the following new amendment was proposed that includes the original Clause 23 but also adds the following part to the full definition at the end of Article 176:

“For the full stop, at the end, a colon shall be substituted and thereafter the following proviso shall be added, namely: ‘Provided that and notwithstanding anything contained in the Constitution, the incumbent chief justice shall be and continue to be known as the chief justice of Pakistan during his term in office’.”

CJP Yahya Afridi will thus continue to be the country’s chief justice until the end of his term.

Amendment of Clause 56

In the bill, an amendment to Clause 1 of Article 260 (definitions) was proposed, specifically for the definition of the chief justice. The article currently states:

“Chief justice”, in relation to the Supreme Court or a high court, includes the judge for the time being acting as chief justice of the court.

The change (subclause ‘a’ of Clause 56) proposed in the bill sought to add the words “Federal Constitutional Court” to clauses and sub-clauses of Article 260 to incorporate the new court in the framework of the Constitution.

Today’s latest amendment proposed the addition of the following subclause to Clause 56’s subclause ‘a’:

“Chief justice of Pakistan” means the senior amongst the chief justice of the Federal Constitutional Court and the chief justice of Supreme Court.“

Thus, after CJP Afridi’s term comes to an end, the future CJP will be the senior-most judge from the chief justices of the FCC and SC.

Omissions

Omission of Clause 4

Some of the proposed changes in the bill were omitted during the reading, one of which was Clause 4 of the bill.

Clause 4 would amend Article 42 of the Constitution, which reads as follows:

Before entering upon office, the president shall make before the chief justice of Pakistan oath in the form set out in the Third Schedule.

The proposed amendment would have seen the word “Pakistan” replaced with “the Federal Constitutional Court”.

Omission of Clause 19

Clause 19 of the bill proposed an amendment to Article 168 of the Constitution, which mandates that there will be an auditor-general who is appointed by the president. There was meant to be an amendment to Clause 2 of Article 168, which reads as follows:

Before entering upon office, the auditor-general shall make before the chief justice of Pakistan oath in the form set out in the Third Schedule.

The amendment in the bill would insert the words “Supreme Court of” after the words “chief justice of”.

Omission of Clause 51

Clause 51 of the bill proposed an amendment to Article 214 of the Constitution, which states that the chief election commissioner must swear an oath to the chief justice before assuming office, as follows:

Before entering upon office, the commissioner shall make before the chief justice of Pakistan [and a member of the Election Commission shall make before the commissioner] oath in the form set-out in the Third Schedule

The amendment was to replace the word “Pakistan” in the Article with the words “Federal Constitutional Court”.

Omission of Clause 55

Clause 55 of the bill proposed an amendment to Clause 2 of Article 255 (oath of office), which states that if someone cannot take the oath of office before “a specified person”, the chief justice can swear them in, as follows:

Where, under the Constitution, an oath is required to be made before a specified person and, for any reason, it is impracticable for the oath to be made before that person, it may be made before such other person as may be nominated by 3 [the chief justice of a high court, in case of a province and by the chief justice of Pakistan, in all other cases]

The bill proposed an amendment to the second clause of Article 255, substituting the word “Pakistan” with the words “Federal Constitutional Court”.

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