Pakistan News
Despite Crushing Defeat, Modi Remains Unlearned
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : In a fiery address from Bhuj, Prime Minister Narendra Modi issued a stark yet hollow warning to Pakistan, declaring, “Live a life of peace and eat your roti in calm, or else, my bullet is always ready.” Delivered in the humiliating aftermath of Operation Sindoor, where India suffered a crushing and comprehensive defeat on all fronts, Modi’s bluster masked the reality of India’s exposed vulnerabilities, broken illusions of regional dominance, and the utter failure of its military might against Pakistan’s far smaller yet far more agile and resolute forces. His speech, laced with threats, revealed a dangerous refusal to reflect on India’s strategic miscalculations and a desperate attempt to spin humiliation into hollow bravado. As Pakistan’s air force, missile command, cyber units, and the sheer resilience of its people stood tall, Modi’s empty threats only deepened the cracks in India’s facade of strength, revealing a nation unprepared for the consequences of its reckless aggression.
This aggressive rhetoric, however, is neither new nor constructive. It follows a well-worn script that Modi has often played before elections, invoking Pakistan as a perpetual threat, demonizing an entire nation for internal incidents, and overlooking the possibility of homegrown actors or third-party provocateurs. Modi’s framing, once again, reduces Pakistan to a target and portrays India as the victim, demanding retribution without introspection. Yet, what he ignores—either willfully or due to political expediency—is the ground reality that Pakistan is not Gaza, and India is not Israel. Any bullet fired from one side will inevitably trigger a response—two bullets, five, or even more—escalating into a cycle of retaliation with catastrophic consequences for both.
This is not conjecture; it is history. Since 1947, Pakistan and India have fought five wars—1947, 1965, 1971, 1999, and most recently from May 5 to May 10, 2025. Each war, regardless of its military outcome, has been a loss for the people: lives lost, families torn apart, economies devastated, and generations scarred. Estimates suggest that the cumulative economic loss from these conflicts runs into hundreds of billions of dollars—conservative estimates place the direct and indirect costs at over $250 billion for India and $100 billion for Pakistan, excluding the immeasurable human toll. The 2025 war alone, lasting merely five days, is believed to have cost both nations approximately $100 billion in combined economic damage, infrastructure losses, disrupted trade, and lost productivity.
The pattern is predictable: every war begins with heightened rhetoric, spirals into military confrontation, and ultimately ends at the negotiating table—often right where it all started. So, why not choose the table first and save countless lives and resources? Why not learn from the lessons of history, where every war has brought more pain than gain, more wounds than wins, and more bitterness than breakthroughs?
Central to this perpetual conflict is the Kashmir issue—a festering wound that has fueled tensions for decades. Until this core dispute is resolved in line with United Nations Security Council resolutions and the aspirations of the Kashmiri people, lasting peace will remain elusive. Kashmir is not just a piece of land; it is a symbol of unresolved grievances, a humanitarian crisis, and the spark that has ignited many of the wars between the two countries.
While international actors, including former U.S. President Donald Trump, have offered their good offices to mediate a solution, India continues to resist external facilitation, insisting on bilateral dialogue while simultaneously rejecting meaningful negotiations. This stalemate serves no one—least of all the people of Kashmir, who continue to suffer the most.
If India, as the larger country with greater resources and population—five times that of Pakistan—claims the mantle of a rising global power, it must show magnanimity, not arrogance; statesmanship, not saber-rattling. True greatness lies not in coercing weaker neighbors but in resolving disputes honorably, fostering peace, and lifting entire regions into prosperity. Yet, time and again, India’s belligerence has reduced its stature, tarnished its global image, and isolated it diplomatically.
It is high time both nations learn that war is not a solution—it is a multiplier of problems. War kills not just soldiers but children, women, and elderly civilians. It destroys infrastructure, maims economies, deepens hatred, and creates cycles of vengeance. The real cost of war is not measured in missiles fired or jets downed but in homes reduced to rubble, schools turned into graves, and futures robbed of hope.
The alternative path is clear. Dialogue, negotiation, and diplomacy must replace confrontation. Bilateral negotiations, supplemented by third-party mediation where necessary, can address thorny issues like Kashmir, water disputes, and border tensions. These talks should be held in good faith, with a commitment to incremental progress and confidence-building measures. People-to-people exchanges—academic collaborations, cultural programs, tourism, and sports—must continue uninterrupted, creating human bridges that make war unthinkable.
Imagine the dividends of peace: billions of dollars saved annually in defense spending, redirected to uplift millions out of poverty. India’s defense budget alone, at $86 billion, and Pakistan’s, at $10 billion, could fund universal healthcare, world-class universities, and cutting-edge infrastructure. The region’s collective population—over 1.7 billion people—could become a formidable global bloc, comparable in influence to NATO or the European Union, not through militarism but through trade, innovation, and shared prosperity.
This is not wishful thinking. It is the proven trajectory of other regions—Europe, once ravaged by war, now stands united in trade and development. China, Japan, and Korea, despite historical animosities, have built robust economic ties. Even the U.S. and China, amidst fierce competition, maintain over $560 billion in bilateral trade because economic logic outweighs political posturing.
South Asia must learn from these examples. Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh share history, culture, language, and people. Their futures are intertwined. It is time they act accordingly—before another war steals more lives, robs more futures, and deepens the wounds that already run too deep.
Prime Minister Modi must realize that one cannot bomb a path to peace. The Kashmir issue must be resolved, not ignored. Both nations must lower the rhetoric, end the cycle of blame, and focus on building a shared future. The cost of continued conflict is too high, and the dividends of peace are too rich to ignore.
The choice is clear: dialogue or destruction, cooperation or confrontation, a shared destiny or mutual ruin. The time to choose wisely is now.
Pakistan News
Strategic Siege: Is Pakistan Being Surrounded
Paris (Imran Y. CHOUDHRY) :- Former Press Secretary to the President, Former Press Minister to the Embassy of Pakistan to France, Former MD, SRBC Mr. Qamar Bashir analysis : Geopolitics has never been governed by sentiment. Not religion, not shared history, not cultural brotherhood—only interests. The unfolding realignments across South Asia and the Middle East illustrate this truth with striking clarity. Alliances are shifting, rivalries are recalibrating, and Pakistan finds itself increasingly positioned at the intersection of competing strategic designs.
The roots of today’s complexity stretch back to 1979, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Pakistan became the frontline state in a U.S.-backed campaign to counter Moscow. Billions of dollars in American and Saudi assistance flowed through intelligence networks to arm and train Afghan fighters. The mobilization of religious ideology was not incidental—it was strategic. Fighters from across the Muslim world converged in Afghanistan. By 1989, the Soviet withdrawal marked a Cold War victory for Washington and its partners.
But militant infrastructures rarely dissolve once their immediate utility ends. The Taliban emerged in the 1990s from the ashes of war, establishing control over Kabul in 1996. Pakistan was among the few nations to recognize their regime. Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, however, the same Taliban became the primary target of American military intervention. The subsequent 20-year war cost over $2 trillion and claimed more than 170,000 lives before the U.S. withdrawal in August 2021.
The Taliban’s return to power reshaped the region yet again. Instead of ushering in stability for Pakistan, however, cross-border militancy intensified. The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), operating from Afghan soil, escalated attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Islamabad responded with cross-border airstrikes against militant sanctuaries. While tactically decisive, these actions strained relations with Kabul and risked civilian backlash.
Instead, Pakistan with its deep intelligence roots in Afghanistan, had the option to adopt the same tactics which Afghanistan is using by infiltrating Pakistani Taliban in Pakistan and killing innocent people mostly by detonating human bombs in Mosque. This could have been a more discrete way to weed out the menace of TTP. History suggests that purely kinetic responses can produce unintended strategic consequences. Airstrikes may eliminate immediate threats, but they can also deepen mistrust and create diplomatic openings for rival powers.
In geopolitics, tactical victories can sometimes yield strategic setbacks. By intensifying overt military pressure, Islamabad may have inadvertently accelerated Kabul’s search for diversified partnerships.
That diversification is perhaps the most striking development. The Taliban government, ideologically committed to Islamic governance, has increasingly explored diplomatic and economic engagement beyond traditional Islamic partners. India reopened diplomatic channels in Kabul and expanded humanitarian assistance. Israel has pledged billions of dollars of aid to Kabul in alignment with India. This is a profound geopolitical entanglement: an Islamic Emirate seeking expanded engagement with a Hindu-majority India and a Jewish-majority Israel, even as tensions simmer with neighboring Muslim Pakistan.
This underscores a fundamental principle of realpolitik: states pursue survival and leverage, not theological alignment. Religious brotherhood and shared culture matter, but only when they coincide with national interest calculations. Facing economic collapse, frozen reserves, and diplomatic isolation, Kabul seeks diversification. India offers infrastructure and access. Israel offers technological cooperation and strategic outreach. Ideology yields to necessity.
For Pakistan, however, the optics intensify concerns of encirclement. On its eastern border, India remains a strategic competitor, particularly over Kashmir. On its western frontier now stands an Afghanistan willing to engage Islamabad’s rivals. To the southwest lies Iran, itself navigating tense relations with the United States. This evolving geometry fuels perceptions of a tightening strategic ring.
An additional dimension complicates matters further: Bagram Airbase. During the U.S. presence in Afghanistan, Bagram served as the largest American military installation in the country, with dual runways capable of handling heavy aircraft and advanced surveillance platforms. Its geographic location—approximately 500 kilometers from China’s Xinjiang region—made it strategically significant.
U.S. President Donald Trump publicly criticized the abandonment of Bagram in 2021, arguing that retaining the base would have preserved American leverage, particularly in the context of intensifying U.S.-China rivalry. Bagram’s proximity to Central Asia, Iran, and western China positions it as more than a counterterrorism platform—it is a potential springboard in great-power competition.
While direct American military reentry into Afghanistan appears unlikely in the near term, evolving regional alignments could create indirect pathways of influence. The strengthening of India’s presence in Kabul, combined with Israel’s strategic engagement in broader Asian geopolitics, introduces analytical possibilities. Washington maintains deep defense partnerships with both New Delhi and Tel Aviv. If Afghanistan continues diversifying toward these actors, space may gradually reopen for U.S. strategic leverage—without formal troop deployments.
Interestingly, geopolitics often unfolds through indirect channels. For Washington, containing China remains a central strategic priority. For India, Afghanistan offers westward strategic depth. For Israel, expanded regional engagement broadens diplomatic influence. For Kabul, diversified partnerships reduce isolation. For Pakistan, however, these convergences heighten strategic anxiety.
For Israel, extending its engagement with Kabul through India would provide a strategic foothold in South Asia and enhance its capacity to deter Pakistan from aligning with Turkey and Saudi Arabia in any configuration perceived as intimidating to Israel. Such cooperation could be viewed as a counterweight to a potential alignment involving Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and nuclear-armed Pakistan, which some analysts argue might aim to exert strategic pressure or encirclement against Israel.
Simultaneously, the Persian Gulf remains heavily militarized. The U.S. Fifth Fleet in Bahrain deploys advanced naval assets, while Iran has invested in ballistic missiles, drones, and anti-ship systems designed to offset conventional asymmetry. China, importing substantial Gulf energy supplies, and Russia, expanding ties with Tehran, both observe carefully.
Any escalation between Washington and Tehran would reverberate in Pakistan. The country already hosts approximately 1.3 million registered Afghan refugees. A major Iran conflict could trigger further displacement, compounding economic strain amid IMF-backed reforms and domestic political polarization.
Internally, Pakistan faces political turbulence, including debates surrounding the incarceration of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and federal-provincial tensions. External pressure combined with internal division magnifies vulnerability.
Yet one broader truth emerges from this complex web: strategic encirclement is not solely a product of adversarial design. It can also arise from miscalculation, overreliance on hard power, and insufficient diplomatic agility. States that rely exclusively on military tools risk narrowing their strategic options.
This is a defining moment. Great-power rivalry, regional insecurity, and ideological contradictions intersect at fragile fault lines. Afghanistan’s outreach beyond traditional religious alignments demonstrates the primacy of interest over identity. Bagram symbolizes the enduring shadow of great-power competition. India and Israel’s evolving engagement in Kabul reflects the fluidity of modern alliances.
But history offers a sobering lesson. From the Soviet-Afghan war to the U.S. intervention, military campaigns have reshaped borders without resolving deeper grievances. Stability requires not merely deterrence but diplomacy.
Encirclement strategies may promise leverage. Hybrid doctrines may promise precision. Yet sustainable security demands cooperation grounded in mutual recognition of vulnerabilities.
Geopolitics may be ruthless in its calculations, but peace remains the only enduring strategic victory.
Pakistan News
Pakistan and Russia deepen media and diplomatic dialogue ahead of PM Sharif’s visit to Moscow
Monitoring Desk: The Moscow–Islamabad Media Forum will be held on February 27, 2026, to coincide with the official visit of the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, to Moscow, scheduled for the first week of March 2026.
The forum will serve as a platform for journalists, political experts, and diplomats from Pakistan and Russia to discuss the current state of bilateral relations, explore future opportunities, and analyze how the Russia–Pakistan partnership impacts global politics, the economy, and the contemporary media landscape.
Cooperation between Russia and Pakistan is of particular importance in the context of the transformation of international relations and the formation of a new system of global interaction. In recent years, contacts between the two countries have intensified at inter-parliamentary, expert, and media levels, while practical cooperation in the humanitarian and socio-political spheres continues to expand.
Within the framework of the forum, Russian and Pakistani journalists, political scientists, and representatives of diplomatic circles will discuss the current state and future prospects of bilateral relations, as well as the role of the Russia–Pakistan partnership in political, economic, and information processes shaping the modern world.
The event is timed to coincide with the official visit of the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Shehbaz Sharif, to Moscow from March 3 to 5, 2026.
Admission for media representatives will be granted only through prior accreditation upon presentation of a passport and a valid editorial certificate confirming the journalist’s affiliation with the accredited media organization.
MSPC “Russia Today” reserves the right to refuse accreditation without providing an explanation.
This News is taken from
https://dnd.com.pk/pakistan-and-russia-deepen-media-and-diplomatic-dialogue-ahead-of-pm-sharifs-visit-to-moscow/328726/
Pakistan News
Pakistan launches strikes on Afghanistan, with Taliban saying dozens killed
Pakistan has carried out multiple overnight air strikes on Afghanistan, which the Taliban has said killed and wounded dozens of people, including women and children.
Islamabad said the attacks targeted seven alleged militant camps and hideouts near the Pakistan-Afghanistan border and that they had been launched after recent suicide bombings in Pakistan.
Afghanistan condemned the attacks, saying they targeted multiple civilian homes and a religious school.
The fresh strikes come after the two countries agreed to a fragile ceasefire in October following deadly cross-border clashes, though subsequent fighting has taken place.
The Taliban’s defence ministry said the strikes targeted civilian areas of Nangarhar and Paktika provinces.
Officials in Nangarhar told the BBC that the home of a man called Shahabuddin had been hit by one of the strikes, killing about 20 family members, including women and children.
Pakistan’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting said it had carried out “intelligence based selective targeting of seven terrorist camps and hideouts”.
In a statement on X, it said the targets included members of the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, which the government refers to as “Fitna al Khawarij,” along with their affiliates and the Islamic State-Khorasan Province.
The ministry described the strikes as “a retributive response” to recent suicide bombings in Pakistan by terror groups it said were sheltered by Kabul.
The recent attacks in Pakistan included one on a Shia mosque in the capital Islamabad earlier this month, as well as others that took place since the holy month of Ramadan began this week in the north-western Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.
Pakistan accused the Afghan Taliban of failing to take action against the militants, adding that it had “conclusive evidence” that the attacks were carried out by militants on the instructions of their leadership in Afghanistan.
The Taliban’s defence ministry later posted on X condemning the attacks as a “blatant violation of Afghanistan’s territorial integrity”, adding that they were a “clear breach of international law”.
It warned that “an appropriate and measured response will be taken at a suitable time”, adding that “attacks on civilian targets and religious institutions indicate the failure of Pakistan’s army in intelligence and security.”
The strikes come days after Saudi Arabia mediated the release of three Pakistani soldiers earlier this week, who were captured in Kabul during border clashes last October.
Those clashes ended with a tentative ceasefire that same month after the worst fighting since the Taliban returned to power in 2021.
Pakistan and Afghanistan share a 1,600-mile (2,574 km) mountainous border.
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